Ten years later, voters feels KCR has failed on employment — one of the three basic demands of the Telangana statehood movement.
Telangana Chief Minister and BRS supremo K Chandrashekar Rao. (X)
Water, funds, jobs — these were the three demands that formed the basis of the Telangana statehood movement which eventually led to the bifurcation of united Andhra Pradesh, birthing India’s youngest state in 2014.
With his fiery speeches and stubborn indefinite fasts, K Chandrashekar Rao, popularly called KCR, was an inspiration to lakhs of youngsters, especially students — hundreds of whom died during the statehood movement.
K Ravi, an adivasi man from Khanapur Assembly constituency, was one among the lakhs of students who agitated for Telangana.
“I was in jail for blocking the main roads as part of the agitation. I trusted KCR’s promise that our own state will give my people jobs, opportunities, but…” he stopped as a customer approached his shop to get documents scanned.
Now 29 years old, all that Ravi feels is disappointment. Having waited for a government job since 2014, he set up a photocopy-cum-photography shop in Utnoor just this year.
“Why did we even fight? Hundreds of youngsters like me died, and for what? This government has failed its youth,” his friend Naresh, hailing from a Backward Class (BC) community said, adding it wasn’t just jobs but also the “bias” in welfare schemes that makes him angry with the KCR government.
Ravi and Naresh are both postgraduate degree holders.
Dejected over unemployment, Sudhakar now farms marigold in his 3-acre land in Warangal. (Anusha Ravi Sood/South First)
In Warangal’s Govardhangiri, E Sudhakar, who did an MBA course, was busy supervising labourers in his marigold farm when South First approached him.
“I am a fan and follower of KCR. I have voted for BRS in every single election — panchayat to Assembly — since 2014. Not this time. They don’t care for people anymore, and have become arrogant,” he insists.
Sudhakar, too, was jailed during the Telangana statehood movement and his anger stems from youngsters not getting jobs. “Let’s leave me aside for a minute. There are kids who are PhD holders, MBAs, postgraduates, gold medallists… and they have no jobs,” he rued.
Data shows that Telangana’s youth unemployment rate is over 15 percent — much higher than the national average. It is even worse for women. “I have done a BEd. Have written exams, but they keep getting cancelled or postponed. I will just have to get married and sit at home now,” Geetanjali of Inderavelli said.
Almost a decade in office, KCR, who charted his political fortunes on the promise of a “Bangaru Telangana” (Golden Telangana), has woefully failed the youth of the state on the jobs front, insist many voters South First spoke to across the state.
Even as ministers like KT Rama Rao insist that the BRS government has filled 1.6 lakh jobs in nine years, there is an unshakable perception across the state that a party that came to power on the promise of jobs to the youth of Telangana hasn’t delivered.
Mission Bhagiratha water tank in Rampur village of Husnabad in Telangana. (Anusha Ravi Sood/South First)
Citizens do see the visible changes after the formation of Telangana. Access to water and largely uninterrupted electricity supply to their homes is a big relief to people across the state.
For Salar Khan Pathan of Adilabad, KCR is a “hero”. Pathan was born in a neighbouring Maharashtra village and has been living in Adilabad for 20 years now, and he vouches for development under KCR.
“KCR has given electricity to every house. We have a water tap connection. These are unthinkable in my native village,” he told South First.
Yet, in Tosham village of Boath, the Mission Bhagiratha scheme has few takers. “Villagers don’t drink the water from piped sources. They still rely on bores and wells. It’s a cultural thing,” pointed out a teacher at the village government school.
But there is no denying that largely uninterrupted electricity has been a boon for lakhs of people ever since the formation of Telangana.
Welfare pensions perhaps are the single-most effective scheme of the government that has ensured it a loyal voter base, but that is pretty much all that the BRS and KCR get appreciation for. Pensioners, especially old-age pension beneficiaries, are all praise for BRS, but women feel left out of the scheme of things when their spouses are beneficiaries.
Despite a long list of welfare schemes — community- and vocation-specific — dozens of people South First interacted with across different districts and regions of the state believed the government was “biased” in its approach.
In Shadnagar, CDS Naresh Kumar runs a clinic. He isn’t a doctor, but has a Registered Medical Practitioner (RMP) certification. “I was hoping to at least get recruited as a compounder after having fought for Telangana,” he told South First as he poked an injection into one of his “patients”.
Work underway on state roads between Karimanagar and Husnabad. (Anusha Ravi Sood/ South First)
He isn’t a fan of the big welfare promises made by the Congress or the BRS.
“We will become like Sri Lanka! Of what use is KCR’s ‘killer oratory’ if he hasn’t delivered on his promises in 10 years?” he asked, caught between complimenting KCR and complaining.
He insists that all the welfare schemes benefit only the BRS cadres, leaders, and their kin. He also has his reservation about the Congress guarantee of free bus ride for women because his friend in Karnataka complains how the scheme has led to his wife travelling at any given opportunity.
He uses roads to explain development under KCR government. “You will see arterial roads converted into concrete roads but take one right or left turn and you will land on muddy, uneven, stony paths. It’s a long way to completion,” he added.
In Jangam of Nalgonda, Ragya, a Banjara farmer, is miffed with Rythu Bandhu being given to the rich.
“These schemes only benefit the rich and not the common citizens like me who own two acres,” he remarked.
It is this sentiment that has formed the basis of the Congress’ election pitch of “Dorala Rajyam and Prajala Rajyam”, pitching KCR as pro-landlord and anti-people. For a state that has a history of fighting for land, the landlords versus commoner pitch is personal.
If unemployment is the biggest reason for anti-incumbency against the BRS government, anger over perceived bias in distribution of welfare schemes is palpable.
In Arepally of Kamareddy where KCR is contesting this election, Gangaram has a condition for KCR. “He is contesting from here. We haven’t received his schemes. We will vote for him only if he keeps his promises,” he said.
In Pathuru of Medak, 45-year-old Lakshmi’s complaints are something we heard across the state. Double bedroom house, BC Bandhu and pension for her physically disabled husband are all the schemes she has applied for and hasn’t received any response.
Abdul Aziz, an auto driver in Adilabad doesn’t even want a government job for his kids. “Let them just open cement factories in Adilabad. We used to have a flourishing ginning industry given how much cotton is grown here,” he said, pointing out that the tall glass buildings in Hi-tech city in Hyderabad is of no use to children of his colony who hold degrees and no jobs.
Some like Rajesh and Srikanth in Elkathurthy are convinced the government is taking lands away from people and giving it off to the rich and influential in the garb of development. They no longer associate KCR with the image of a statehood movement crusader.
These irritations among people have been turned into ammo by Opposition parties in the run-up to the Assembly elections.
Whether voters consider the improvements in water, electricity, and pensions under the BRS government, or focus on the unfulfilled promises on jobs and development when they flock to balloting stations on 30 November — on that will depend the fate of KCR and his party.
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