Coimbatore car blast case: Stopping radicalisation still a challenge for authorities, Muslim community

South First puts an ear on the ground to bring to you the reasons radicalisation continues to irk the Muslims and authorities in Coimbatore.

ByShilpa Nair

Published Nov 08, 2022 | 6:00 PMUpdatedNov 08, 2022 | 7:29 PM

Coimbatore car

When South First hit the ground in Coimbatore to understand the mood a week after a Maruti-800 car exploded just outside the Kottai Eswaran temple in the Ukkadam area, killing 29-year-old Jamesha Mubin, the one consistent rhetorical question that kept being asked in the several interactions with the locals was this: “Why would a youngster like Mubin plot an attack?”

The answer to it, of course, had become clear within hours of the blast: Mubin was highly radicalised. Those who asked the question were also aware of that fact.

However, their question, apart from it displaying a sense of disbelief, was also a reflection of how people in Coimbatore — especially members of the Muslim community — were still coming to terms with the threat of radicalisation, and the impact of it on youngsters like Mubin.

However, it is not just the Muslim community that is grappling with this issue. The Coimbatore car blast case served as yet another wake-up call for law-enforcement agencies.

Mubin’s radicalisation

Even though the explosion was initially suspected to be an accidental LPG cylinder blast, the very sight of marbles and nails near the gutted car raised serious suspicion for the police.

Their fears came true when they visited Mubin’s residence in Kottaimedu. A stench of chemicals welcomed them as they opened the door of his house. It then led them to boxes full of explosive materials such as potassium nitrate, aluminium powder, sulphur, and charcoal, weighing around 75 kg.

Nails coimbatore car blast

Nails stored by Jamesha Mubin. (Supplied)

What they also found were his notes, which contained details about his understanding of jihad; under what circumstances must it be carried out; the process of bombmaking, and idol worship, among other things.

According to senior officials, he had written in one of the notes: “If you are a martyr, you will directly go to heaven.”

Apart from reading extensively, the investigators added, Mubin watched several videos that propagated ISIS ideology and was highly influenced by it.

The officials also pointed out that he was “disturbed” about the alleged oppression of Muslims in India, especially over instances such as the Hijab ban in Karnataka, the controversy around the Gyanvapi mosque, and the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act.

People who knew Mubin identified him as a reclusive and eccentric individual.

For instance, according to a few Jamaat leaders in Kottaimedu, even when Mubin went for prayers, he waited outside for the crowd to leave so that he could pray alone. After a point, he stopped going to mosques and started praying at his home.

On the family front, Mubin was not on good terms with his mother. He was married to a hearing-and-speech-impaired woman, and left behind two daughters.

The Jamaat members also stated that he was not financially sound. Even though Mubin had completed his engineering degree, he ended up doing odd jobs and was struggling to make ends meet.

According to officials, Mubin frequented a shop selling honey and dates, owned by one Sheikh Hidayatullah, who was arrested by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) for having links with Mohammad Azharuddin, a man linked to Zahran Hashim, one of the masterminds of the Sri Lankan Easter Bombings.

jAMEESHA mUBIN

Picture of 29-year-old Jameesha Mubin. (Supplied)

After their arrest in 2019, Mubin also came on the NIA radar for attending the bayan (sermon) classes organised by members of the Azharuddin terror module in Coimbatore. Though he was examined by the NIA sleuths, he was let off due to lack of any prosecutable evidence.

Explaining the usual modus operandi of radicalisation, a senior police officer told South First that members of the radical groups first scout for vulnerable youths, especially on social media.

Their posts on communal issues are assessed, and if they are found to be amenable towards extremist thinking, they are bombarded with content in the form of videos, writings, etc, that promote such ideology, he said.

Such youths are then added to secret communication channels on platforms such as Telegram, where they are exposed to more such content, added the officer. Once their mindset is tuned, they are given training in bomb-making, taking up arms, etc.

In other cases, due to the plethora of material available over the internet, many youngsters end up becoming self-radicalised.

Muslim community’s take on radicalism

Muslims in Coimbatore now fear that the actions of a handful of men like Mubin would cast a shadow over the entire community, and set them back by several years — a cost which they paid after the 1998 serial bombings in the city.

That’s one of the reasons the community leaders thought it was important to send across a loud message to everyone that they do not condone extremist ideology.

From refusing to bury Mubin’s body in two burial grounds managed by the Jamaat to condemning the incident in the strongest possible terms during the Friday prayers to visiting the Kottai Eswaran temple to meet the priests there, they have been hitting all the right notes to distance themselves from the car blast case and tell society that what they want are peace and communal harmony.

Coimbatore car blast

Picture from the meeting between representatives from Muslim community and priests of Kottai Eswaran temple. (South First)

Speaking about radicalisation, several Jaamat members admitted to South First that it was indeed a big challenge, one that the community had been fighting for years.

“Why don’t these (radicalised) youngsters realise that their actions are doing no good for either the people or the religion? They do these things (attacks) in the name of religion. But look at what it is doing to the majority of Muslims! Not only are we being villainised, but our day-to-day life is also getting impacted negatively due to their actions. It is pushing us towards more backwardness,” a Jamaat leader from Kottaimedu said.

He added: “The problem is, these youngsters read or consume content that is set in the context of foreign countries such as Syria, Palestine, and Iraq. Does such an extreme situation prevail in India? No. But they apply what they understand from these foreign materials to the Indian context, and that’s where the problem lies.”

Asked if the oppression and discrimination against Muslims in India, especially after the BJP came to power in the Centre, also acted as a trigger for the youth to choose this path, many of them did not deny that possibility.

Economic backwardness adds to lack of social infra

While on the topic, representatives from Karumbukkadai — which has a dense Muslim population —  highlighted another important problem they face: Lack of social infrastructure.

“Around 50,000 families live in and around Karumbukkadai. Yet, there is not even a single bank, playground, library, higher-secondary school, or proper healthcare centre in the area. They don’t even keep proper garbage bins on the road,” a Jamaat leader told South First.

“Even if someone from our locality asks for a bank loan, it is rejected because we come from a ‘red-category’ area. Nobody wants to rent out their house or office space to us. All this is happening because, after the 1998 blasts. People have painted the entire community with the same brush.”

He further said: “If there is no playground or library or other such infrastructure, there is no way to channel the energies of the youth. It is bound to get diverted in the absence of such social infrastructure.”

Many others in the area reflected similar views. Despite repeated requests to the government, they claimed, nothing significant has been done so far to improve the situation.

Mosque secuirty

Security was stepped up outside mosques in Coimbatore after the car blast. (South First)

What adds to this sense of deprivation is also the economic background of the youngsters who get radicalised.

Many Muslim families living in areas such as Kottaimedu or Karumbukkadai depend on small businesses for their livelihood.

“If we earn during the day, we will have food at home.” That’s how many Muslims in the locality described their livelihood.

That’s also one of the main reasons they do not want any more communal flare-ups in Coimbatore, as it has a direct impact on their livelihood.

One of the Jamaat members, who is also a young businessman, told South First that though they have been conducting workshops to make the youth aware of job opportunities in the government and private sectors, he highlighted that a lot more needed to be done by the government to improve the educational and employment standards among the community.

According to experts, a combination of these factors — lack of education, unemployment, and social backwardness, among others — creates a sense of victimhood that also drives youngsters towards extremism.

Role of Jamaats in tackling radicalisation

Speaking about the role of Jamaats in fighting the problem, a Muslim leader asked: “In this age of technology, when people who are living under the same roof are unable to understand what the other person is doing, how much can the Jaamat do?”

He explained: “Yes, we can identify those who are socially distant or those who are posting controversial views, and see if they require counselling. But how will it be possible for us to monitor what a person is watching on his phone or who he is keeping in touch with over social media?”

But according to the community leaders, one of the powerful tools they have at their disposal is that of Friday prayers. On several occasions, they have used it as a platform to denounce terrorism and the Islamic State group’s ideology.

“We have said in the strongest words possible that the Islamic State group has nothing to do with Islam and what they propagate is un-Islamic. We even printed booklets explaining as much,” one of them explained.

Importantly, while they are fully ready to cooperate with the local police in tackling the menace of radicalisation, several Jamaat leaders pointed out that there was a gap in communication between the community members and the police over the last few years, which now needs to be improved.

“Earlier, we were in regular touch with the local intelligence officials. We found it to be a safe and effective communication channel. But many of them have been transferred in the last couple of years, and there has been some kind of downscaling in terms of the local intelligence. This is something that the officials must look into. A strong ‘Friends of Police’ kind of system must be developed so that key information gets passed on in a timely manner,” a senior member of the Jamaat said.

Challenge for law enforcement as well

Law enforcement agencies are also grappling with the issue of radicalisation. A senior Tamil Nadu Police official told South First admitted that “a lot more needs to be done on the radicalisation front”.

To begin with, the intelligence and other related departments need more resources and manpower. And just mere addition of personnel would not suffice.

According to officers working in the security domain, the emphasis should also be on improving the skill set of the personnel as they deal with a subject as complex as radicalisation involving foreign elements.

Officials also drew attention to the lack of a long-term deradicalisation programme — not just in Tamil Nadu but across the country.

The Tamil Nadu Police’s Special Division, however, conducts a two-day deradicalisation programme with the help of experts and religious scholars, among others.

According to the Home Department, the Special Division — which was formed after the 1998 Coimbatore bomb blasts to collect intelligence and monitor activities of fundamentalist and terrorist organisations — deradicalised 11 youngsters in 2021-2022. So far, 61 radicalised youths have been de-radicalised and brought back into the mainstream.

But questions are also being raised about whether years — or even months — of radicalisation could be effectively overturned with just a few days of the deradicalisation programme.

Several officials in the police department highlighted that apart from deradicalisation, counter-radicalisation must also be looked at as an effective solution.

“It should not be just about detection. It is also about prevention. Promote secular education and make sure children are taught the best values. Streamline their energies. Expose them to a secular worldview. Ensure that there is proper community engagement. It should be a continuous, long-term process,” explained an official who has dealt with several cases of radicalisation.

Speaking about what needs to improve with respect to policing, the officer said that though they have been undertaking measures like cyber-patrolling, they have been happening on a limited scale.

Apart from manpower, the need of the hour is also to make sure that the Intelligence Department has extensive technological backing at a time when radical groups across the world are making use of the latest high-tech methods to further their agenda.

“In the age of technology, it is not an easy task even for the agencies to crack down on radicalisation. This is the case across the world. That’s why there should be more synergy between departments in the police,” the officer further opined.