YS Sharmila, daughter of late chief minister YS Rajasekhara Reddy, brings hope of revival to struggling Congress in the state.
Andhra Pradesh Congress leaders protesting for special status in Delhi. (Supplied)
Ever since the bifurcation of the state of Andhra Pradesh, the Congress has been on a quest for revival, facing setbacks in both the 2014 and 2019 Assembly and parliamentary elections. Analysts point that the bifurcation went against the sentiment of the Andhra population, diminishing the party’s standing.
However, a glimmer of revival has been witnessed with the entry of YS Sharmila Reddy, daughter of the late YS Rajasekhara Reddy, a two-time chief minister of united Andhra Pradesh and a Congress leader, into the grand old party on 4 January.
Yet, she faces a formidable challenge as almost the entire cadre and senior leaders of the Congress are now aligned with her brother YS Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSRCP, which currently holds power in Andhra Pradesh.
Since assuming office as the state unit chief on 21 January, YS Sharmila has been advocating for two key issues: Her right to the initials “YS” and a “special status” for Andhra Pradesh.
Can the Congress make strides with these two focal points?
Since Sharmila’s inaugural speech in Vijayawada, where she directly confronted her brother YS Jagan, the YSRCP has subtly referred to her using her husband Anil Kumar’s surname — Morusupalli — in an apparent attempt to deny her any claim to the “YS legacy”. However, she staunchly asserts her right, emphasising the shared blood ties with her brother.
What’s in a name? In the YSRCP and Andhra Pradesh Congress’s battle for the “YS legacy”, it is everything!
Read our earlier report on how two families — the YSRs and NTRs — are leading four parties in the Telugu states.
The TDP is led by actor-turned-politician NT Rama Rao’s son-in-law, Chandrababu Naidu, and the state BJP chief is NTR’s daughter, Daggubati Purandeswari.
On the other side, the YSRCP is led by the late Rajasekhara Reddy’s son, YS Jagan Mohan Reddy, and the Congress is now being led by his daughter, YS Sharmila.
The daughters of both late leaders are battling for the legacies of YSR and NTR, while Jagan and Naidu maintain significant control.
This is evident from Sharmila’s immediate entry, where she rebranded the YSR Congress Party with a new abbreviation — Y for YV Subba Reddy (former MP), S for Sai Reddy (Vijayasai Reddy, Rajya Sabha MP), and R for Sajjala Ramakrishna Reddy (Government Advisor to Public Affairs).
She also intentionally referred to her brother by his name Jagan Reddy in her speeches, as opposed to YS Jagan, prompting the YSRCP to respond by attempting to contain the damage. Along with other party social media affiliates, Jagan-owned Sakshi reported her speech, referring to her as just Sharmila, devoid of the prestigious and influential initials, YS.
The trolling even escalated to death threats.
Accompanied by her cousin YS Sunitha, daughter of late minister YS Vivekananda Reddy, YS Sharmila faced death threats after visiting her father’s estate in Kadapa to pay homage. Sunitha filed a police complaint on 2 February at the Gachibowli Cyber Crime Police Station against the social media threats.
Notably, YS Sunitha is engaged in a legal battle against her cousin, YSRCP Kadapa MP Avinash Reddy, regarding his alleged involvement in her father’s murder in 2019.
Professor E Venkatesu from the Department of Political Science at the University of Hyderabad and a member of CSDS Lokniti told South First that the promise of a “YSR rule” — by the YSRCP — was crucial to winning the 2019 elections. The late YSR is seen as a popular figure for the welfare of people in Andhra Pradesh, and members from his family are relying on his legacy to influence voting behaviour.
He further shared that, considering the state’s polarised political landscape — with the TDP and its ally the Jana Sena Party on one side, and the YSRCP on the other — the role of national parties in Andhra is minimal.
“Sharmila’s efforts can be seen as an attempt to gain some space, with the possibility of splitting the YSRCP vote, which consists of YSR sympathisers. However, how well the Congress will perform in the state is yet to be seen, as she has only been in office for two weeks,” Professor Venkatesu added.
Special category status was historically granted to regions at a disadvantage compared to the rest of the country.
The benefits a state receives under the provision of being a “special state” range from preferential treatment in receiving financial assistance from the Union government to concessions on excise duty to attract industries, along with a significant allocation of 30 percent of the Union government’s gross budget and similar tax benefits.
When Andhra Pradesh was bifurcated in 2014, it sought special category status on the grounds that it would be at a disadvantage, losing significant revenue due to Hyderabad going to Telangana, the new state formed on 2 June, 2014.
However, a decade has passed and, so far, nothing has materialised.
It is crucial to understand that the special status was merely an verbal promise by the Congress and it got a mention in the BJP’s election campaign. However, nowhere in the 2014 AP Reorganisation Act does it find a mention.
During the Rajya Sabha debate on 20 February, 2014, then prime minister Manmohan Singh promised five years of special status, while BJP Rajya Sabha member and former vice-president of the country Venkaiah Naidu emphasised that Andhra Pradesh required 10 years.
Despite the Congress being in government and its state chief YS Sharmila now pursuing the matter, doubts arise as to why it has not been included in the Act.
Former Rajamahendravaram MP Vundavalli Arun Kumar quit the Congress following the decision to create Telangana.
Speaking to South First, he explained that the issue of special status came up in the Rajya Sabha, whereas in the Lok Sabha, the Bill was passed without proper guidelines, and the merits of the content were not discussed. Despite widespread unrest and opposition to the division, the Bill was passed on 18 February, 2014, and moved to the Rajya Sabha on 20 February.
Arun Kumar added, “I filed a PIL (in 2022) against the passage of the AP Reorganization Act in the Supreme Court and it is being pursued.”
When asked about the Congress’s alleged moral right over claiming special status, considering it was not included in the Act but was a mere verbal promise, Arun Kumar pointed out that the Congress did not come to power in the Centre after 2014; it was the BJP in power.
However, as regional parties have failed to bring about the special status and the BJP has denied it, Congress leaders have a moral right to fight for special status, considering that all parties are not addressing the issue in Delhi.
Arun Kumar also highlighted that the last Rajya Sabha MP from the Congress, KVP Ramachandra Rao, moved a Private Members’ Bill in 2016, but his attempt failed. Since then, the Congress has had no representation from Andhra Pradesh in either of the Houses.
After the BJP came to power, it seemed reluctant to fulfill the verbal promise made by both Prime Minister Modi during his Tirupati public meeting amid elections and former vice-president Venkaiah Naidu.
The BJP government referred to the 14th Finance Commission report, stating that it erased the distinction between general and special category states, considering the level of backwardness of states in the proposed transfer of funds.
In September 2016, the special package, offered as an alternative to special status, was accepted by then chief minister N Chandrababu Naidu of the TDP, who urged the Union government to implement its promises “in true spirit” and within a specified timeframe.
The TDP’s ally Jana Sena withdrew from the alliance and continued criticising the decision, advocating only for special status. Jana Sena chief Pawan Kalyan called the special package “stale laddoos”.
The five-year duration of the special package included an allocation of ₹22,113 crore as the revenue deficit, ₹1,000 crore for the development of the proposed new capital Amaravati, full funding for the irrigation component of the Polavaram project over the Godavari river, and a total investment of ₹1 lakh crore on infrastructure and other related projects.
However, taking a U-turn in 2018, the TDP quit the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and began advocating for special status once again. This came after pressure in the Assembly elections, with Opposition parties like the YSRCP and Jana Sena accusing Naidu of failing to secure special status.
In the 2019 elections, allies TDP, BJP, and JSP contested individually and conceded defeat to the YSRCP led by YS Jagan Mohan, who promised to bring special status if all 25 MPs were voted in from his party in the general elections. However, no progress was made even after he secured 151 out of 175 Assembly seats, and 22 out of 25 Parliament seats.
In fact, both the YSRCP and TDP supported all the Bills introduced in both Houses of Parliament, including controversial ones like the CAA and the farm laws.
It’s been 10 years, and the pitch for special status has become a “dead issue”, as termed by the YSRCP who blames Naidu for accepting the special package. In the run-up to the 2024 Assembly elections, there have been no instances where the three parties — TDP, Jana Sena, YSRCP — have pitched for special status like they did back in the 2019.
With the elections nearing and YS Sharmila’s entry, the special status issue has returned to the headlines. However, is this really a popular sentiment among the public?
Speaking to South First, Professor Nageshwar, a former MLC and political analyst, opined that there is still public sentiment, but it is like a seed waiting to grow. There are other external factors that influence its development.
“There was a Telangana sentiment before 2002 as well, but it was KCR who galvanised support and turned it into a political issue that ultimately became a public sentiment. Special status is related to the development of the state, whereas the Telangana sentiment is more an emotional drive for separate statehood,” he added.
He further explained, ”Upon entering the fray, YS Sharmila has picked up on this issue as neither the YSRCP nor the TDP are discussing it, thus finding a political narrative to shape her future in the state.”
However, whether YS Sharmila will turn it into a rich dividend remains to be seen, as her efforts on the special status have only just begun, opined Nageshwar.
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