The culture of stubble burning is spreading slowly in the Assembly segment, which might cause a major headache in future.
In Station Ghanpur constituency beneath the surface, a deeper sentiment emerges as people express a desire for elected representatives who go beyond the rhetoric. (Sumit Jha/South First)
With the Telangana Assembly elections 2023 just days away, South First is bringing you ground reports from key constituencies. This series brings you voices from the ground, the mood of the voters, and issues that matter — as well as those that don’t.
In a remote corner of Namiligonda village in the Station Ghanpur constituency of Telangana, a scene reminiscent of some classic movie unfolded as South First visited the place.
Against a picturesque backdrop, a farmer stood amidst the palmyra trees that appeared taller than a mountain visible at a distance. He was burning stubble in the paddy field. The agricultural landscape revealed a pattern as several other farmers, too, were seen engaged in setting the stubble on fire.
Their movements were slow, and calculated, with almost the same expression as a seated Daniel Plainview (played by Daniel Day-Lewis) in the 2007 Hollywood movie There Will Be Blood, as they calmly watched the blaze.
While the deliberate farm fires are a headache in the North Indian states, it is not so problematic — or prominent — in the South, including Telangana.
Farmer stubble in Station Ghanpur. (Sumit Jha/South First)
Telangana, where farmers who used to stick to paddy cultivation during the year’s two seasons, is witnessing a gradual shift as peasants have gradually adopted a two-crop pattern of growing paddy and cotton.
A farmer, preferring to remain anonymous, explained the burning of the stubble: “I have to cultivate the next crop, and that’s why I am burning the stumps from paddy cultivation so that I can sow the paddy again.”
While stubble burning in North India has various reasons as detailed here, a farmer in Telangana explained why he burns the residue. “First, we aim to clear our fields promptly. Second, we have to meet the prescribed moisture content limit.”
Station Ghanpur Assembly constituency. (Click to enlarge)
Moisture could affect the stored grains. Typically, a recommended guideline for harvesting and storage is to maintain the moisture content of paddy within the range of 18-22 percent. However, the Food Corporation of India, responsible for procuring paddy, has enforced a moisture content limit of 17 percent.
This stringent limit is imposed to prevent the growth of mould and fungi, and to minimise the risk of grains cracking during storage, and enhance their overall quality.
The farmer emphasised the need for sufficient time, around 10-15 days, to sun-dry paddy. Failing to do so could result in selling the produce at a price lower than the Minimum Support Price (MSP).
The farmer shared an April incident. “Despite efforts to dry the paddy on the road, rain soaked them before they could be covered with tarpaulin. Even after subsequent drying attempts, the moisture content remained at 19 percent. We had to sell them at a reduced price,” he said.
Moisture is a matter of grave concern for the farmers. “Unpredictable rain just before the procurement season and the absence of adequate sheltered storage space pose significant challenges in keeping the grain dry. We are at the mercy of weather conditions and other external factors beyond our control. In the previous year, there was a shortage of gunny bags, which kept the grains at the godown for several days,” the farmer said.
Interestingly, while the moisture content in paddy may not be a priority for the BRS government, the Congress party in the state has taken up the issue. Its manifesto included a pledge to “abolish the illegal moisture measurement system in paddy procurement”.
Stubble burning is said to be the culture of northern states because of the two crop systems. Now #Telangana has also started to witness it.
On the trails of #TelanganaElections2023.
Location: Station Ghanpur pic.twitter.com/Pn3TVJxPi5
— Sumit Jha (@sumitjha__) November 19, 2023
Yellaiah, a 55-year-old farmer belonging to the Scheduled Caste (SC) Madiga community, and his two brothers, are engaged in brick making on his land after the farming season to supplement their income. “Every year after the farming season, we make bricks for two months. It’s not our primary profession, but we do it to earn a little more,” he told South First.
Yellaiah on the left looking at his brother who is in process of making bricks. (Sumit Jha/South First)
Yellaiah had earlier worked in a brick kiln. “My father used to work there, and we brothers eventually started working there. We had land earlier too, but the cultivation was not extensive. However, in recent years, with favourable rainfall and the Dharmasagar lake filled by water from the Kaleshwaram Lift Irrigation Project, we transitioned into full-time cultivation on our land,” the farmer from Venkatadripet village explained.
After the monsoon, they make bricks. “We make around 20,000-25,000 pieces and sell 1,500 bricks for ₹11,000. We make ₹50,000 after every season, but we have to pay for the clay, and transportation, besides meeting other expenses,” Yellaiah said.
However, Yellaiah voiced a grievance. He highlighted a promise made by Chief Minister K Chandrashekar Rao that the government would provide ₹10 lakh each to Dalit families. When Yellaiah and his family applied for the money to buy a tractor for transporting mud and bricks, his application remained stuck at the Mandal Revenue Office (MRO).
“When the funds came, the MRO gave the funds to three people close to the BRS in the constituency,” he said. The same complaint was heard in several constituencies across Telangana.
Yellaiah further criticised the allocation process. “We were ignored. If they truly want to uplift us, they could have distributed the funds to those in urgent need first.”
He recounted an instance in which a beneficiary, who already owned a tractor, used the funds to purchase a taxi cab. “But, that car is just remaining at his house. His family uses it,” the farmer said.
In the fields of Shivuni Palli village, 46-year-old M Laxmi, belonging to the Munnuru Kapu caste falling under the BC category, was collecting cotton in plastic sacks.
Amidst smiles and banter with her co-workers, her tone suddenly became serious as she spoke about her children.
“They don’t stay with me. They are in Hanamkonda. One son has an MSc degree, and the other is currently an undergraduate. We sent him outside the village so that they could study. My husband and I work in the fields. Our parents were incapable of sending us to school, but we are making an effort. However, despite obtaining an MSc degree, the eldest one has not yet secured a job,” she said,
M Laxmi working in fields. (Sumit Jha/South First)
She is concerned over her children not living with her.
“He (the eldest son) is currently preparing for TSPSC examinations and has also attempted the Group-II examination, which got cancelled twice. The private companies are offering just ₹15,000, which is not sufficient. He is also providing tuition to children,” she said.
Laxmi was recently engaged in a legal battle, “My father-in-law acquired a piece of land around 50 years ago from another villager. Although he registered it with the Village Revenue Office, the file was left unattended. With the advent of the Dharani portal, the land is now registered in the name of the same seller,” she said.
“His son is now claiming ownership. When we approached the police, they attempted to settle the matter with money. When we sought assistance from the collectorate, they expressed their inability to intervene, but stated that the system would be updated. It did not happen, and we had to go to court,” the woman explained.
Laxmi said that her situation is not an aberration. Many others, too, have approached the court. “Details are inaccurate on the Dharani website. We live in the constant fear that the sons of the individual from whom we purchased the land will one day arrive with bulldozers and destroy the crops. It’s not our fault; why should we suffer,” she wondered.
“Everyone in the village has issues with Dharani. Some have land registered in someone else’s name, When we approach the police, they have become intermediaries, suggesting that a financial settlement will resolve the issue. Dharani has inadvertently become a source of income for the police and the sarpanch,” Laxmi alleged.
Zaffergadh is a historically significant place named after the 14th-century Muslim ruler Zaffarudhaula, who established it as the capital of his dynasty. A fort still stands on a hill. Below the hill, around 50 motorcycles are parked outside a liquor shop. In Telangana, it’s a common practice to find a small sitting area near such shops, where people consume alcohol.
This liquor shop stands just outside the walls of the Telangana Social Welfare Residential Educational Institutions Society (TSWREIS) Girls’ Hostel and Gurukul, an educational institution catering to the underprivileged girls in the state. The shop just outside the girls’ school and hostel raises concerns.
TSWREIS school and liquor shop in front. (Sumit Jha/South First)
Sindhu, 26, an alumna of the school, is currently pursuing LLB in Warangal. She is worried, “The shop was not there earlier. It was established recently. Despite requesting the sarpanch to intervene, no action has been taken.”
While no untoward incident has occurred so far, Sindhu spoke about the possibility of the situation going out of control. “Many girls have complained about drunk men shouting profanities at the hostel.” The situation poses a potential risk to the safety and well-being of the girls residing in the hostel.
Incidentally, the sitting MLA, T Rajaiah, of the BRS is not in the fray. He was accused of sexually accusing a female sarpanch, his party colleague.
Rajaiah, formerly a Congress MLA in 2012, parted ways with the party protesting its stand on the formation of Telangana. He joined the BRS (formerly TRS), and won the Station Ghanpur constituency three times — in the 2012 by-poll, 2014, and 2018. The seasoned politician briefly served as a deputy chief minister from January 2014 to January 2015.
Given that Station Ghanpur is a SC reserved constituency with a significant population of the backward castes, many view Rajaiah’s absence from the fray as a positive development. “What has he done for the people of the constituency, or for the Madigas? Nothing. He was just filling his own pocket,” Yellaiah said.
Veteran Kadiyan Srihari, formerly a TDP MLA from 1994-2004 and 2008-09, is the BRS candidate.
However, a notable aspect is that while Rajaiah belongs to the Madiga community, Srihari is from the Mala sub-category. This shift is noteworthy as the constituency has a larger population of Madigas.
Rajaiah has pledged support to the BRS candidate. But a significant event happened on 11 November when Prime Minister Narendra Modi consoled a visibly emotional Manda Krishna Madiga, a Madiga leader, at a public meeting in Secunderabad. This poignant image has become emblematic of the BJP’s concerted efforts to connect with SC communities in the lead-up to the 30 November elections in the southern state.
Despite Krishna Madiga’s prominence on posters across Station Ghanpur constituency, the sentiments seem indifferent towards the BJP candidate, Gunde Vijayarama Rao. “We are poor. The BJP is not doing anything for us. And, the BJP doesn’t have to do anything here, so we are not considering voting for them,” Yellaiah said.
When Rajaiah was dropped from the Cabinet in 2015, Krishna Madiga was among the first to protest against the chief minister’s decision.
On the other hand, Congress candidate Singapuram Indira, despite facing an electoral defeat in 2018, is gaining popularity due to the party’s promised schemes. “They are going to give a monthly financial assistance of ₹2,500 to women and free TSRTC bus service. It is a good scheme,” Laxmi said,
Meanwhile, dissatisfaction over the sarpanch’s performance may influence the BRS’s prospects. “He joined the BRS from the Congress because he got money. I am not considering the BRS,” Sindhu said.
Sindhu felt that the Congress candidate would be better positioned to understand the challenges women face.
Srihari, too, has significant support in the constituency. A local farmer praised Srihari’s previous contributions. “Rajaiah was a corrupt leader. It is good that he has been replaced. When Srihari was the MLA, he had constructed the BT Road, brought a public health centre to a nearby village, and established a school in our village,” he said.
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