Critics say Revanth Reddy's decision weakens the party’s narrative and, intentionally or not, strengthens the BJP’s position.
Published Sep 01, 2025 | 1:25 PM ⚊ Updated Sep 01, 2025 | 1:25 PM
Telangana Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy speaking in the state Assembly. (X)
Synopsis: Telangana Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy’s decision to hand over the probe into the alleged irregularities in the Kaleshwaram Lift Irrigation Project to the CBI has surprised the political circles. The state government’s move is against Congress’s sharp critique of the CBI and other central agencies.
Indian National Congress, for years, has accused central agencies like CBI and ED of becoming tools of political vendetta misused by the BJP to target opposition parties but Congress’ own Chief Minister seems to have complete faith in CBI.
Telangana Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy’s decision to hand over the probe into the alleged irregularities in the Kaleshwaram Lift Irrigation Project (KLIP) to the CBI on Monday, 1 September, has surprised the political circles in the state and elsewhere but it is in-line with Revanth Reddy’s past actions.
From investment deals with Gautam Adani’s firm – amid Congress’ allegations of ‘crony capitalism’, to praising Narendra Modi – while his party leadership fights him tooth and nail, Revanth Reddy’s decision to trust CBI, an agency that his party deems a political weapon in he hands of BJP, is not entirely ironic.
Critics say Revanth Reddy’s decision weakens the party’s narrative and, intentionally or not, strengthens the BJP’s position. Many see echoes of similar political manoeuvres in Andhra Pradesh under YS Jagan Mohan Reddy’s dispensation.
The announcement of entrusting the probe to the CBI came after an eight-hour stormy debate in the Telangana Assembly on KLIP’s irregularities, which stretched into the early hours of Monday.
KLIP, launched during K Chandrashekar Rao’s BRS regime, has been marred by controversies — structural failures at Medigadda and other barrages, cost escalations beyond ₹1 lakh crore, and allegations of corruption and negligence.
The Justice PC Ghose Commission, set up by the Congress government, submitted a scathing report. It faulted the BRS government, officials, and contractors for lapses in design, planning, and execution. Citing this report, Revanth said the case involved interstate issues, central agencies, and public sector institutions like the Power Finance Corporation, making a CBI probe most appropriate.
However, the state government’s move is against Congress’s sharp critique of the CBI and other central agencies. For years, the party has accused the BJP of using the CBI, Enforcement Directorate (ED) and the Income Tax (IT) Department to target Opposition leaders, topple governments and force defections.
Less than a year ago, the Karnataka Congress government withdrew consent for CBI investigations, calling the agency a “misused tool.” Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi has repeatedly called the CBI and ED “weapons of the BJP and RSS.”
Even Revanth Reddy himself, just a day before the announcement, accused the BJP of weaponising central agencies while speaking at a CPI leader’s memorial meeting.
The sudden handover, not even discussed in his Cabinet beforehand, caught many Congress leaders off guard. Party workers took to social media to voice anger. One post on X read: “Goodbye Telangana Congress. You will never learn your lessons!”
BRS leaders pounced on the irony, calling it a “self-goal.” They reminded people that Revanth Reddy once equated the “Modi Parivar” with ED and CBI. The BJP, meanwhile, quietly welcomed the move, as it had been demanding a CBI probe since 2023.
Critics argue the decision plays directly into the BJP’s hands. The party has long campaigned for a CBI probe into the muddle. Now the investigation is under central control, giving the BJP both narrative and procedural leverage.
By outsourcing the probe to CBI, Congress avoids the charge of directly targeting Chandrashekar Rao. If the probe succeeds, Congress claims credit; if it stalls, they can blame BJP-BRS collusion.
BRS leaders allege it is a “favour” to Revanth’s “Bade Bhai,” hinting at a tacit understanding with Modi. Revanth’s TDP past, now part of NDA, adds to this speculation.
Revanth Reddy might have made the move thinking that he was shooting at the BRS from the shoulders of the BJP. However, the saffron party might also be looking at it similarly, using the chief minister as a “cat’s paw” to cannibalise the BRS or make the pink party come around and do its bidding.
Observers draw comparisons with Andhra Pradesh. In 2023, Jagan Mohan Reddy was accused of acting under BJP pressure to arrest Chandrababu Naidu. Later, the BJP abandoned him and allied with Naidu.
Similarly, in 2020, Jagan wrote to the Chief Justice of India, accusing Justice NV Ramana of bias — allegedly at the BJP’s behest. The episode, though dismissed, gave Delhi temporary leverage over him.
Meanwhile, analysts see a pattern — the BJP using regional leaders to achieve short-term goals, then moves on. Revanth Reddy, they suggest, may now be playing a similar role in Telangana.
Revanth Reddy’s referral of the Kaleshwaram case to the CBI, pitched as a step for transparency, undercuts Congress’s own criticism of the agency. It gives the BJP a fresh opening in Telangana and blunts Congress’s national narrative of institutional misuse.
Similar to Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, Revanth Reddy risks being seen as a pawn in the BJP’s larger strategy. Whether this decision secures accountability in KLIP or reshapes Telangana politics in the BJP’s favour remains an open question. However, it has already unsettled Congress’s ranks and confused its message.
While Revanth Reddy and BJP may see an opportunity to cut BRS down to size with the CBI handling the probe, history is witness that the BJP has better electoral odds against the Congress in the absence of a regional party. A short term gain for Revanth Reddy in Telangana may be a long term gain for BJP in the state and, in turn, nationally in its contest with Congress.
(Edited by Muhammed Fazil.)
