Although Karur has alternated between the AIADMK and DMK over the years, it has largely been a stronghold of the former camp.
Published Oct 04, 2025 | 5:00 PM ⚊ Updated Oct 24, 2025 | 12:07 PM
From local politics to global impacts, several factors influence the electoral outcomes in Karur.
Synopsis: Karur, a mineral-rich Tamil Nadu district, is renowned for textile exports and agriculture, enriched by the Amaravathi, Kaveri, and Noyyal rivers. Historically significant since the Sangam era, it faces challenges from recent US tariffs impacting textile trade and a tragic stampede at a TVK rally. Politically, Senthil Balaji’s influence ensures DMK dominance, shaping Karur’s prospects for the 2026 elections.
Karur district, located in the western region of Tamil Nadu, is world-famous for its home textile production. But in recent days, it has been making headlines for a different reason altogether — the tragic stampede on 27 September during actor-turned-politician Thalapathy Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) election rally, in which 41 people lost their lives.
Originally part of Coimbatore, later merged with Tiruchirappalli, Karur was carved out of Trichy and established as a separate district in 1996.
Blessed with mineral wealth, Karur is an important district in Tamil Nadu, with three major rivers – Amaravathi, Kaveri, and Noyyal enriching its soils.
Historically, Karur has roots dating back to the Sangam era and even before. It was ruled by the Cheras, Cholas, and Pandyas, and was also a key center of foreign trade, as recorded in Sangam literature.
Though agriculture has traditionally been the main occupation in Karur, the district’s mineral resources have made cement production, construction products-related industries, and quarries important sources of livelihood as well.
Politically, until the time of former chief ministers Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa, the district alternated between supporting the DMK and AIADMK. However, Karur was considered a stronghold of the AIADMK, rather than the DMK.
After Jayalalithaa’s demise, and especially since Senthil Balaji moved from the AIADMK to the DMK, Karur has increasingly become a key district for the DMK. In fact, whichever party Senthil Balaji belongs to, tends to dominate Karur.
Karur has a total of 8,97,739 voters, 4,66,921 women, 4,30,734 men, and 84 others. Meanwhile, the district has four Assembly seats – Aravakurichi, Karur, Krishnarayapuram, and Kulithalai.
In terms of Parliamentary constituencies, Aravakurichi, Krishnarayapuram, and Karur join with Vedasandur in Dindigul district, Viralimalai in Tiruchirappalli district, and Pudukkottai, making up six segments in total. Currently, Congress MP S Jothimani represents this Lok Sabha constituency.
Beyond former minister Senthil Balaji, another notable political figure from Karur is K Annamalai, the former Tamil Nadu BJP state president, who hails from Aravakurichi. In the 2021 Assembly elections, Annamalai contested from Aravakurichi but lost to DMK candidate Ilango R by a margin of 24,000 votes.
From local politics to global impacts, several factors influence the electoral outcomes in Karur. What will these factors mean for the district in the 2026 Assembly polls? Let’s analyse all the scenarios in this article.
Recently, Karur has been one of the Indian regions most affected by US President Donald Trump’s imposition of a 50 percent import tariff on Indian goods. Nearly half of the home textiles produced in Karur are exported to the US. Now, because of this tariff, goods worth several thousand crores of rupees that have already been manufactured are stuck in ships, unable to be cleared. Many exporters who had already taken orders have lost them, leading to heavy losses and widespread unemployment.
In the Karur Assembly constituency, the main occupations include agriculture, bus body building, construction work, and textile manufacturing. The constituency has a total of 2,41,211 voters — 1,27,540 women, 1,13,629 men, and 42 others. Currently, the MLA representing this constituency is former minister Senthil Balaji.
Politically, although Karur has alternated between the AIADMK and DMK over the years, it has largely been a stronghold of the former camp. Senthil Balaji has won three times from this seat.
After the AIADMK split, when Senthil Balaji first joined TTV Dhinakaran’s faction and later shifted to the DMK, his seat in Karur was reportedly filled in the 2016 Assembly elections by another leader, former minister MR Vijayabhaskar. Until then, Vijayabhaskar had only been a panchayat union council member, but in the past nine years, he is said by locals to have risen to prominence with remarkable growth.
Socially, the Gounder community makes up about 50 percent of the population, the Chettiar community about 30 percent, and Scheduled Castes and other backward groups form a significant share. While the Gounders are the decisive force here, the Chettiars also wield considerable influence. In fact, the head office of Karur Vysya Bank is located here, a bank largely run by members of the Chettiar community.
Senthil Balaji himself belongs to the Gounder community, which gives him an added advantage. When asked how he has managed to keep Karur firmly under his influence for so long, locals point out that he has built a strong ground-level network. They say he runs it like a corporate company — building teams from top to bottom that can execute any task efficiently. This organisational style is one of the reasons Karur leads the state in DMK membership drives.
All these factors combined have made the Karur Assembly constituency a seat the DMK can win with ease. However, recently, social media has been abuzz with unverified allegations that Senthil Balaji was responsible for the TVK rally stampede. Though baseless, such claims may have some impact on young voters.
Beyond politics, local issues remain pressing in Karur: pollution of the Amaravathi river with raw sewage, continued ban on the traditional practice of taking river sand using bullock carts, and the unfinished construction of the agricultural college building in the government’s marriage hall premises.
Aravakurichi, one of Karur’s key constituencies, became a “star” constituency after BJP leader K Annamalai contested here in the 2021 Assembly elections. Agriculturally, this constituency is best known for its drumstick (moringa) cultivation. Historically, Aravakurichi alternated between the AIADMK and DMK, but since Senthil Balaji’s entry into the DMK, the seat has leaned in favor of the DMK.
The constituency has a total of 2,12,555 voters — 1,11,410 women, 1,11,141 men, and 4 others. At present, the MLA is R Ilango of the DMK.
Aravakurichi is largely a rural constituency. Demographically speaking, it has a 50 percent Gounder population, followed by a significant number of Arunthathiyars and Muslims. The current MLA, Ilango, is also from the Gounder community. At one point, this constituency was considered a stronghold of Vaiko’s Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), but today the DMK dominates.
Aravakurichi is also one of the hottest constituencies in Tamil Nadu in terms of temperature. The reason is the large number of quarries here. Illegal mining is rampant — the land is dug up for minerals, rocks, and sand, mostly to supply construction industries.
In addition, the laying of high-voltage power cables over agricultural land has long been a source of conflict. Since drumstick cultivation is widespread in Karur, locals have been demanding the establishment of a moringa powder processing factory for years.
With no prominent AIADMK leaders in the area and Senthil Balaji’s influence favouring the DMK, the constituency is currently seen as advantageous for the ruling party. Though Annamalai hails from this constituency, he does not enjoy significant grassroots support here.
Kulithalai constituency in Karur district holds a special place in Tamil Nadu’s political history as it was the first Assembly constituency contested by former chief minister and DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi. Because of this, even today it is regarded as a “star constituency.” Historically, Kulithalai has been an agriculturally rich region, so much so that it earned the saying “Using elephants to process paddy” — a phrase denoting abundance and prosperity.
The constituency has a total of 2,30,315 voters — 1,18,198 women, 1,12,112 men, and 84 others. The current MLA is R Manickam of the DMK. Politically, this constituency has alternated between DMK and AIADMK over the years.
Here, 50 percent of the population belongs to the Reddiar community, 30 percent to the Muthuraja, followed by Pillaimar, Scheduled Castes, and a notable Muslim presence.
During the time of AIADMK leader late Paapa Sundaram, the party consistently won this constituency. But after Senthil Balaji switched to DMK, this constituency too, like others in the district, shifted towards the DMK.
A long-standing demand in this constituency has been the construction of a barrage across the Cauvery river. Locals allege that because water is carried away through pipelines to neighboring districts, during dry months the people and farmlands of Kulithalai are left parched. In addition, people have been demanding a new bus stand and a fire station for Kulithalai.
Since the area also has high banana and sugarcane production, there are further demands for facilities to support these industries.
Krishnarayapuram is the only reserved constituency in Karur district. Half of its area comprises fertile agricultural land, while the rest is dry terrain. Key produce here includes paddy, bananas, and betel leaves.
The constituency has a total of 2,13,658 voters — 1,09,773 women, 1,03,852 men, and 33 others. The present MLA is K Sivagama sundari of the DMK.
Like Karur’s other constituencies, Krishnarayapuram has alternated between AIADMK and DMK over successive elections.
Over 60 percent of the population here belongs to Scheduled Castes, with the Reddiar, Muthuraja, and Pillaimar communities together making up about 30 percent. Muslims also form a significant part of the electorate.
Because banana cultivation is high here, there has been a long-standing demand for a jam manufacturing unit. Given the frequent drought conditions, locals have also been demanding water to be brought in through pipelines from the Cauvery.
While AIADMK dominated in the past two elections here, in the 2021 Assembly polls, DMK tasted victory. Locals attribute this largely to Senthil Balaji’s influence in the district. If his clout continues, the DMK is expected to retain the seat in future elections as well.
As mentioned, in Karur there exists an unwritten rule: only those backed by Senthil Balaji can win here. Since his move to DMK, the AIADMK camp has largely been left vacant. Local sources say even Congress MP Jothimani, who currently represents Karur in the Lok Sabha, does not command strong support on her own; she managed to win mainly because she was part of the DMK alliance.
Karur has long demanded greater industrial growth. The region already has cement factories, construction material industries, the Tamil Nadu government’s paper factory, and a sugar factory, but locals continue to insist that further industrial development is needed.
More recently, textile manufacturers, particularly those hit by US tariff hikes, have raised demands for government support. They complain that frequent fluctuations in cotton prices are driving them into heavy losses. They want the cotton price to be revised only once a year, rather than repeatedly. They also point out that importing cotton from abroad makes production costlier, and therefore call for measures to boost domestic cotton cultivation.
In addition, they demand GST reductions, and alternative arrangements to reduce dependence on the US market. They insist that the Centre must take steps on this matter, and that the state government should press strongly for these measures.
Alongside this, there have been long-standing demands to curb illegal quarrying and rampant mineral loot in Karur. Allegations surface from time to time that Senthil Balaji himself is linked to these activities.
Yet, despite such controversies, Senthil Balaji continues to wield unmatched influence in Karur’s politics. His social background gives him a natural advantage, but more importantly, his calculated political strategies and ground-level organisational work have secured him a permanent place in the district’s political landscape.
At present, the ground reality in Karur is tilted in favor of the DMK. However, if the recent stampede deaths truly generate lasting anger among the youth against Senthil Balaji, that sentiment could have an impact on the outcome.
(Edited by Amit Vasudev)
