Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam is reportedly gaining support among the youth in rural areas. However, NTK has a stronghold in Thiruvaiyaru, Papanasam, Pattukkottai, and Kumbakonam.
Published Oct 14, 2025 | 9:00 AM ⚊ Updated Oct 14, 2025 | 9:00 AM
The Thanjavur constituency represents both the urban heart and the cultural identity of the district.
Synopsis: Thanjavur is perceived as industrially backward, and voters demand job opportunities and economic diversification. Public opinion is also divided over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Gangaikonda Cholapuram, with many residents urging the preservation of its historic identity rather than giving it a “Hindutva tint.”
Celebrated as the granary of South India, the Thanjavur district is one of India’s most ancient and culturally significant regions.
The Chola kings, who ruled from here, established remarkable achievements in governance, irrigation, agriculture, and architecture. Even in an age without modern technology, they expanded their maritime trade, conquered foreign lands, and made Thanjavur their grand capital.
Monuments like the Brihadeeswarar Temple (Peruvudaiyar Kovil) and the Gangaikonda Cholapuram Temple, built over a thousand years ago, still stand tall, having withstood the ravages of time and nature.
Originally, the present delta districts of Tamil Nadu were all part of the undivided Thanjavur district. Thanjavur comprises eight Assembly constituencies and a total of 2,079,096 voters.
In Parliament, the Thanjavur Lok Sabha constituency includes the Assembly segments of Thanjavur, Peravurani, Pattukkottai, Orathanadu, and Thiruvaiyaru, and is represented by S Murasoli of the DMK. The remaining three constituencies fall under the Mayiladuthurai Lok Sabha constituency.
State Higher Education Minister Kovi. Chezhiyan represents the Thiruvidaimarudhur constituency, one of the most politically significant seats in the district.
Economically, Thanjavur is largely dependent on agriculture, with limited industrial growth. Small-scale industries like silverware, weaving, bronze sculpting, and construction provide secondary income, but agriculture remains the district’s backbone.
The Thanjavur constituency represents both the urban heart and the cultural identity of the district—it is home to the world-renowned Brihadeeswarar Temple. The region combines urban commercial activity with surrounding rural agricultural villages.
It has 280,267 voters, including 133,962 men, 146,236 women, and 69 other voters.
Historically, the constituency has alternated between the AIADMK and DMK. At present, DKG Neelamegam of the DMK represents the seat. The constituency includes a mixed demographic of Mukkulathor, Konar, Chettiar, Nadar, Vanniyar, and Dalit communities, along with a notable Muslim population.
In recent years, following internal divisions within the AIADMK, the DMK has gained a stronger foothold.
Being a major tourism hub, the constituency has long demanded better infrastructure and employment opportunities. The absence of major industries remains a recurring election issue. Currently, Thanjavur is considered a favorable seat for the DMK.
The Thiruvidaimarudur constituency, reserved for Scheduled Castes, is represented by Kovi. Chezhiyan, the State Higher Education Minister.
It has 267,411 voters—135,512 women, 131,888 men, and 11 other voters.
The constituency has alternated between the DMK and Congress, both enjoying strong support. Since 2011, Chezhiyan has maintained a solid winning streak here.
The constituency has an almost equal mix of Dalit and Vanniyar communities, along with a sizable Muslim population. The PMK has a visible presence here, and the recent bomb attack on district secretary Aaduthurai Ma. Ka. Stalin drew political attention.
Voters’ key demands focus on agriculture-based industries, value addition for farm produce, and better infrastructure. Given the lack of a strong AIADMK face, this seat remains firmly in DMK’s favor.
Kumbakonam has witnessed both cultural grandeur and tragic incidents. From the 1992 Mahamaham festival stampede during Jayalalithaa’s visit that killed over 50 people, to the 2004 school fire tragedy that claimed 94 young lives, the town carries deep scars.
Known as the City of Temples, Kumbakonam has 272,378 voters—140,029 women, 132,334 men, and 15 others.
Since 1996, the DMK has consistently won this seat, currently represented by G. Anbalagan, who has secured three consecutive victories.
Demographically, Padayatchi, Vanniyar, and Dalit communities each hold a substantial presence. While the rural belt depends on agriculture, the town thrives on silverware, brass lamps, statues, and handloom silk.
A long-pending demand is the creation of a new district with Kumbakonam as headquarters, including Thiruvaiyaru and Papanasam. Though mentioned in the DMK’s election manifesto, it remains unfulfilled—likely to be a central issue in the next election.
Papanasam, meaning “the place that absolves sins,” is another temple-rich constituency built largely by the Cholas.
It has 266,315 voters—136,429 women, 129,864 men, and 22 others. The constituency is represented by M.H. Jawahirullah, leader of the Manithaneya Makkal Katchi (MMK), a DMK ally.
Historically leaning towards the Congress and DMK, the seat was held by the AIADMK from 2006 to 2016 before returning to the DMK alliance in 2021.
With a significant Muslim population, along with Udayar, Vanniyar, and Dalit communities, the area’s key concerns center on agricultural development and allied industries.
Thiruvaiyaru Assembly constituency
Thiruvaiyaru is a blend of dry terrain, fertile farmland, and ancient temples. It hosts the famous annual music festival at the Panchanadeeswarar Temple.
The constituency has 273,818 voters—140,422 women, 133,376 men, and 20 others.
Both AIADMK and DMK have alternated victories here. Notably, current MLA Durai Chandrasekaran of the DMK famously defeated actor Sivaji Ganesan in the 1989 elections when he was DMK’s Students Wing leader.
The region is socially dominated by Mukkulathors, followed by Dalits and minorities. Tourism and employment generation are recurring demands.
At present, DMK holds an upper hand due to AIADMK’s weakened presence.
Orathanadu is synonymous with R Vaithilingam, once a powerful AIADMK leader and a close associate of O Panneerselvam.
It has 251,235 voters—129,576 women, 121,654 men, and 5 others.
Socially, the constituency is dominated by Mukkulathors, followed by Dalits, Konars, and Yadavs.
From 2001 to 2011, Vaithilingam held the seat before losing in 2016 to the DMK’s M. Ramachandran. He regained it in 2021. However, with his breakaway alignment with O. Panneerselvam, his future electoral strength is uncertain, and Orathanadu may turn into a three-way fight between DMK, AIADMK, and OPS factions.
Major local demands include reviving the long-neglected cattle farm at Eechangkottai and setting up agro-based industries to add value to paddy and tapioca production.
Pattukkottai – birthplace of a socialist poet
The Pattukkottai constituency, birthplace of noted poet and socialist Pattukkottai Kalyanasundaram, remains largely agrarian.
It has 248,724 voters—129,500 women, 119,199 men, and 25 others.
Dominant social groups include Vellalars, followed by Mutharaiyars and Mukkulathors. The seat has often swung between the Congress and AIADMK, with occasional DMK victories. Currently, it is held by K Annadurai (DMK).
Local demands include a new district with Pattukkottai and Peravurani as core regions, better healthcare, and operationalizing the new bus stand, which was built in a remote area and remains unused.
Farmers also seek improvements in coconut cultivation and revival of non-functioning trade complexes initiated by former MLA NR Rangarajan.
Long considered an AIADMK stronghold, Peravurani is now held by the DMK.
It has 218,948 voters—111,286 women, 107,648 men, and 14 others.
Mukkulathor and Mutharaiyar communities each account for about 35% of the population, with Konars, Yadavs, and Muslims also present in large numbers. The Mutharaiyar vote bank is a decisive factor here.
A ₹25 crore rice mill project announced earlier remains unimplemented, while fishermen have demanded better cold storage and processing facilities.
Historically, Thanjavur was dominated by socialist (communist) politics, which gradually declined, paving the way for the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) to emerge as the district’s dominant force.
Within the AIADMK, R Vaithilingam was once the face of the region, but following the party split and his alignment with O. Panneerselvam, the AIADMK’s influence has waned. Even Edappadi K Palaniswami’s “friend of farmers” image has not gained much traction here.
Meanwhile, actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) is reportedly gaining support among the youth in rural areas. However, NTK has a stronghold in Thiruvaiyaru, Papanasam, Pattukkottai, and Kumbakonam.
Overall, Thanjavur is perceived as industrially backward, and voters demand job opportunities and economic diversification.
Public opinion is also divided over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Gangaikonda Cholapuram, with many residents urging the preservation of its historic identity rather than giving it a “Hindutva tint.”
Farmers, dependent on the Cauvery river water, continue to demand improved irrigation management and proper distribution of water up to the last village.
While these developmental concerns will play a major role in the election, the DMK currently holds the upper hand due to its strong grassroots presence, caste coalition, and AIADMK’s leadership vacuum.
However, political equations could still change before the 2026 Assembly Elections.
(Edited by Majnu Babu).
