Local assessments suggest that the DMK has a realistic edge in Bhavanisagar, Erode East, and Erode West, while the AIADMK retains the upper hand in Perundurai, Gobichettipalayam, Bhavani, and Modakurichi.
Published Oct 28, 2025 | 9:00 AM ⚊ Updated Oct 28, 2025 | 9:00 AM
Erode.
Synopsis: Long regarded as a traditional AIADMK stronghold, Erode district’s political winds appear to shift due to factional conflicts within the AIADMK. The internal divisions between district heavyweights such as KC Karuppannan, KV Ramalingam, and KA Sengottaiyan have created openings for the DMK.
Erode is known as India’s second-largest turmeric-producing region and the textile hub of Tamil Nadu. It is also the birthplace of Periyar EV Ramasamy.
From the Rashtrakutas to the Cholas, Pandyas, Islamic rulers, and the British, many have ruled this region over the centuries. Yet, to this day, Periyar remains the most influential figure associated with Erode.
A recent example of his enduring influence was seen in the Erode East Assembly by-election, which became a symbolic battle between supporters of Periyar’s ideology and his detractors. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), which upheld his principles, emerged victorious — even though Erode has long been considered an All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) stronghold.
Adding to its political significance, senior AIADMK leader KA Sengottaiyan, who recently urged the party leadership to reunite with breakaway factions, represents the Gobichettipalayam constituency, which also falls within this district.
Originally a part of Coimbatore, Erode was carved out as a separate district in the 1970s and gradually expanded to include multiple taluks. Today, it comprises eight Assembly constituencies: Erode East, Erode West, Modakurichi, Perundurai, Bhavani, Anthiyur, Gobichettipalayam, and Bhavanisagar (SC).
According to the latest electoral rolls, the district has a total of 19,77,419 voters, including 10,21,871 women, 9,55,356 men, and 192 others.
In terms of parliamentary representation, the Erode Lok Sabha constituency includes the Assembly segments of Erode East, Erode West, and Modakurichi, along with Kumarapalayam, Dharapuram, and Kangeyam. The current MP is KE Prakash of the DMK.
Erode is one of India’s top turmeric-producing districts and a major textile manufacturing hub. From household clothing products to large-scale garment exports, its industries play a crucial role in the national economy. The Perundurai textile market is one of the largest in the region, and dyeing units form another key industrial base here.
Being part of the Kongu region, Erode has a large Kongu Vellalar Gounder population. This has historically made it one of AIADMK’s most loyal bastions — so much so that there are panchayats in the district where not a single DMK member can be found among the 3,000-odd residents.
As the 2026 Assembly elections draw near, AIADMK is banking on this traditional loyalty. The question, however, is whether DMK’s on-ground work over the past four-and-a-half years and its welfare schemes will shift the tide — or if Erode will remain steadfastly loyal to the AIADMK, as it has for decades.
Following the death of senior Congress leader and former MLA EVKS Elangovan, a by-election was held in February 2025 for the Erode East Assembly constituency. In that bypoll, VC Chandrakumar of the DMK won.
Erode East has a total of 2,26,433 voters, comprising 1,16,760 women, 1,09,636 men, and 37 others. Being a primarily urban constituency, trade and commerce dominate the local economy, with the textile industry continuing to play a central role.
Since its formation, the constituency has alternated between the AIADMK and its allies, while in 2021, the seat went to the Congress, which is part of the DMK alliance. The area has a significant population of Kongu Vellalar Gounders and Mudaliyars, followed by notable numbers of Muslims and Dalits.
Urban infrastructure issues, particularly traffic congestion, remain a persistent problem. Another major concern is pollution from dyeing units, which allegedly discharge untreated wastewater into rivers and groundwater, posing serious environmental and health risks.
With the DMK having secured a fresh win here recently, the 2026 Assembly election is expected to see a fiercely contested battle in this constituency.
The Erode West Assembly constituency comprises a mix of urban and rural areas. It is currently represented by S Muthusamy, who serves as Tamil Nadu’s Minister for Prohibition and Excise in the state cabinet.
The constituency has 3,01,116 voters, including 1,54,714 women, 1,46,354 men, and 48 others.
For two consecutive elections, the seat was held by KV Ramalingam of the AIADMK, before voters handed victory to Muthusamy in 2021 — a shift attributed both to his personal reputation and his social background.
The constituency’s demographic composition is dominated by Kongu Vellalar Gounders, who form over 40% of the population, followed by Mudaliyars, Dalits, and smaller but notable communities of Vanniyars and Nadars.
Environmental concerns have been a longstanding issue in Erode West. Dyeing units in the region, particularly in the Rasampalayam area, are accused of discharging untreated effluents directly into the Cauvery River, causing water pollution that affects both agriculture and drinking water sources. Locals allege that some units even pump waste underground, contaminating groundwater severely.
Having been a traditional AIADMK stronghold, the party is now keen to reclaim the seat it lost in 2021. Consequently, the constituency is expected to witness intense competition in the upcoming 2026 Assembly elections.
Among Erode’s eight constituencies, Modakurichi stands out as the only one won by the BJP in the 2021 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections — a remarkable feat in a district otherwise dominated by the AIADMK and DMK.
Traditionally, Modakurichi has been an AIADMK stronghold, a seat where the party could field almost any candidate and still expect victory. The constituency has 2,28,680 voters, comprising 1,19,829 women, 1,08,839 men, and 12 others.
In 2021, C Saraswathi of the BJP won the seat, making it one of the four constituencies the party captured across Tamil Nadu. However, her victory is widely believed to have been aided by intraparty rifts in the DMK.
Reports from the ground suggest that some DMK members allegedly worked against their own candidate, Subbulakshmi Jagadeesan, leading to her defeat by just 281 votes.
Like much of the Kongu region, Kongu Vellalar Gounders form the dominant community here, followed by Dalits, with smaller but notable populations of Nadars and Mudaliyars. Agriculture remains the primary livelihood.
As the 2026 Assembly elections approach, with the AIADMK and BJP back in alliance, the key question is whether the same arithmetic that helped Saraswathi in 2021 will hold — or if the political landscape will shift.
Perundurai, often compared with nearby Tiruppur, is home to one of India’s largest textile markets and a major hub for garment exports worth thousands of crores. Every Sunday, the bustling textile market draws thousands of North Indian traders who purchase fabrics in bulk.
The constituency has 2,37,854 voters — including 1,23,367 women, 1,14,478 men, and nine others.
Perundurai is also a key employment zone, hosting around two lakh North Indian workers in its sprawling textile and garment units. In Pannikkampalayam, an entire stretch of over three kilometres is known as a “North Indian zone,” where most of the shops and businesses are run by migrants from northern states.
Adding to its industrial significance, Perundurai houses one of Asia’s largest SIPCOT industrial complexes, which accommodates numerous large-scale factories.
Politically, Perundurai has remained out of the DMK’s reach, with the AIADMK maintaining a dominant presence since the constituency’s inception. The current MLA, S Jayakumar of the AIADMK, continues that legacy.
The constituency’s demographic balance mirrors that of the wider region — Kongu Vellalar Gounders are the decisive majority, followed by Dalits, and notable sections of Naickers and Kongu Nadars.
However, the industrial boom has also brought environmental challenges. Residents have repeatedly complained of air and groundwater pollution linked to factories within the SIPCOT complex. Despite these concerns, AIADMK’s organisational strength and deep local networks continue to give it a strong electoral edge here.
The Bhavani constituency reflects the social makeup of northern Tamil Nadu, with the Vanniyar community forming a significant portion of the population and often acting as the decisive electoral bloc.
The seat is currently represented by KC Karuppannan, the AIADMK’s Erode district secretary and a long-time MLA. Bhavani has consistently favoured the AIADMK and its allies, making it one of the party’s most dependable constituencies.
The constituency has 2,42,218 voters — including 1,24,088 women, 1,18,110 men, and 20 others.
Socially, Vanniyars and Kongu Vellalar Gounders are present in almost equal proportions, followed by a sizable Dalit population.
Among local issues, residents say the once-thriving Bhavani Jamakkalam (handloom blanket) industry has been in decline for years. There is also a long-standing demand for a government college in the area.
Despite these concerns, Bhavani remains largely uncontested territory for the AIADMK, primarily due to Karuppannan’s personal influence and the absence of a strong DMK presence in the region.
The Anthiyur constituency, which includes parts of hilly terrain, mirrors Bhavani in its social composition, Vanniyars and Gounders form nearly equal halves of the electorate, while Dalits make up a significant share.
There is a prevailing belief among locals that if the DMK fields a Vanniyar candidate, it stands a good chance of winning; conversely, if the AIADMK fields a Gounder candidate, victory tends to tilt their way.
The current MLA, AG Venkatasalam of the DMK, belongs to the Vanniyar community. The constituency has 2,20,922 voters — 1,12,662 women, 1,08,230 men, and 30 others.
Residents here continue to demand better road connectivity and basic infrastructure, particularly in the hill regions. Though the DMK has won only a few times, the AIADMK has traditionally dominated this seat. Given its balanced demographics, a close contest is once again expected in the next election.
The Gobichettipalayam constituency is synonymous with KA Sengottaiyan, senior AIADMK leader and former minister, who continues to command immense personal loyalty among voters.
Though his critics question his development record, even they acknowledge his deep personal connection with residents — visiting homes, attending family functions, and staying involved in the everyday lives of people. Local political observers note that “no matter which party Sengottaiyan belongs to, he is the face of Gobichettipalayam.”
Recently, Sengottaiyan was removed from all AIADMK positions after he set a deadline for party chief Edappadi K Palaniswami to reconcile with the faction that had split from the party. Despite the setback, he remains within the AIADMK, and many of his supporters continue to stand by him.
The constituency has 2,56,220 voters — 1,34,148 women, 1,22,059 men, and 13 others.
Out of the 12 elections held since 1971, the DMK has won only twice; the AIADMK has claimed victory 10 times, with Sengottaiyan himself winning eight of those — a record that underlines his stature.
Socially, the constituency is dominated by Kongu Vellalar Gounders, followed by Dalits, Nadars, and Kongu Vettuva Gounders. Being a predominantly rural area, voters here continue to demand better roads and civic infrastructure.
In Gobichettipalayam, one unwritten rule seems to prevail: Whichever party Sengottaiyan represents, that party will win the seat.
Bhavanisagar is the only reserved constituency in Erode district and lies along the Tamil Nadu–Karnataka border. The area is home to the Bhavanisagar Dam and several important forest and tourist zones, including the dense jungles where the notorious sandalwood smuggler KM Veerappan once operated.
Between 1977 and 1991, Bhavanisagar was a stronghold of the AIADMK. Since 1996, however, it has alternated between the AIADMK and DMK. The AIADMK has held the seat for the last two consecutive terms.
Socially, the constituency has a high concentration of Dalit voters, along with significant numbers from the Vettuva Gounder and Nayakkar communities.
For years, residents have raised environmental concerns over dyeing units allegedly releasing chemical effluents into the Bhavani River. Despite such issues, the constituency remains a swing seat where both major Dravidian parties have strong prospects.
Long regarded as a traditional AIADMK stronghold, Erode district’s political winds appear to be shifting due to factional conflicts within the AIADMK. The internal divisions between district heavyweights such as KC Karuppannan, KV Ramalingam, and KA Sengottaiyan have, observers note, created openings for the DMK.
On the DMK’s side, ministers S Muthusamy and former AIADMK leader-turned-DMK functionary Thoppu ND Venkatachalam are the party’s key figures in the region.
Political circles expect the ongoing rift between Sengottaiyan and the AIADMK leadership to echo across the district in the 2026 polls. Local assessments suggest the DMK has a realistic edge in Bhavanisagar, Erode East, and Erode West, while the AIADMK retains the upper hand in Perundurai, Gobichettipalayam, Bhavani, and Modakurichi.
Caste demographics remain decisive. The Kongu Vellalar Gounders form the largest voting bloc across the district, influencing outcomes in most constituencies. In fact, five of the eight MLAs from Erode district belong to this community. Combined with AIADMK General Secretary Palaniswami’s shared caste background, this gives the party an additional advantage among Gounder voters.
Another key factor is Palaniswami’s reputation among farmers. The completion of the long-pending Avinashi–Athikadavu water project during his tenure — a six-decade-old demand — and loan waiver schemes for crops and gold have strengthened his image as a pro-farmer leader.
During campaigns, AIADMK leaders frequently invoke the alleged “lawlessness” of the DMK, citing the record of former minister NKKP Raja as an example, framing their narrative around “DMK rule equals rowdyism.”
Meanwhile, local observers note a modest but growing interest among youth in actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, as well as continued grassroots support for Seeman’s Naam Tamilar Katchi.
Ultimately, the 2026 contest in Erode will be defined by a three-way push — AIADMK’s caste and agricultural base, DMK’s welfare-driven governance appeal, and the emerging youth-driven alternatives. Whether the DMK’s social outreach and field campaigns can overcome the entrenched AIADMK networks remains to be seen.
(Edited by Majnu Babu).
