Given its historical and political significance, Madurai is a strategic region for all major parties ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. Just as Coimbatore is viewed as a key district in the Kongu (western) belt, Madurai holds a similar position in southern Tamil Nadu.
Published Jul 28, 2025 | 1:00 PM ⚊ Updated Jul 30, 2025 | 6:34 PM
caste continues to play a central role in shaping electoral dynamics in the Madurai district.
Synopsis: Just as Coimbatore is seen as a key district in the Kongu (western) belt, Madurai holds a comparable position in southern Tamil Nadu. The DMK appears to enjoy relatively strong footing across all ten constituencies in the district. However, internal frictions and a major land-related corruption scandal, along with its fallout, present clear setbacks. The AIADMK, meanwhile, is grappling with a divided house, its competing factions confusing the cadre and potentially weakening its support. The BJP and TVK – one steadily gaining ground, the other on its maiden campaign – stand to benefit the most as a result.
Madurai, often called the “city that never sleeps” in Tamil Nadu, is not only widely recognised across India but also enjoys a measure of international recognition for several reasons.
The city is especially known as the cradle and patron of Tamil literary traditions, governance structures, and social institutions through the Sangam era.
Historical records indicate that the region was ruled by successive dynasties, including the Pandyas, the Vijayanagara empire, Mutharayars, and Nayaks.
Madurai’s jasmine flowers (malli) and the iconic Meenakshi Amman Temple are recognised globally as symbols of its rich cultural heritage. Each year, lakhs of devotees gather in Madurai for the grand Alagar Temple festival.
Politically, the city has long been considered one of the most important centres in Tamil Nadu.
Recently, the city has become ground zero for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and various Hindutva groups’ communal rhetoric in the state, with the controversy over the Murugan temple atop Tirupparankundram hill and the adjacent Sikandar Dargah being the latest flashpoint.
Given its historical and political significance, Madurai is a strategic region for all major parties ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. Just as Coimbatore is viewed as a key district in the Kongu (western) belt, Madurai holds a similar position in southern Tamil Nadu.
Furthermore, it is also seen as a vital base for actor-turned-politician Vijay’s newly launched Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), which is preparing for its first general election campaign.
The district comprises ten Assembly constituencies, with a total of 27,29,671 voters – 13,89,224 women, 13,40,159 men, and 288 listed as other voters.
Two MLAs from the district currently hold ministerial portfolios in the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government: P Moorthy, from the Mukkulathor community, serves as Minister for Commercial Taxes and Registration, while PTR Palanivel Thiaga Rajan, a Mudaliar, holds the information technology portfolio.
As always, caste continues to play a central role in shaping electoral dynamics in the district.
South First’s constituency-wise guide to the political history and present landscape of Madurai’s ten Assembly segments.
Madurai East constituency has a total of 3,49,612 voters – 1,71,817 men, 1,78,527 women, and 68 others. The constituency has a significant presence of the Mukkulathor community.
P Moorthy, a member of this community, currently serves as the MLA and also holds the portfolio of Minister for Commercial Taxes and Registration in the Tamil Nadu government.
Historically, this constituency has seen power shift between the
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), DMK, and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)]. In the last two Assembly elections – 2016 and 2021 – P Moorthy of the DMK won the seat, securing more than 50 percent of the vote share in both instances.
In terms of caste demographics, Mukkulathors make up over 30 percent of the population, followed by Yadavs with more than 20 percent. Mudaliyars, Sourashtrians, and Scheduled Castes each constitute over 10 percent. The constituency also has a notable presence of Muslims and other minority communities.
Once considered an AIADMK stronghold, Madurai East has remained with the DMK for the last two terms. The Mukkulathor vote is viewed as a key factor, although it remains divided between the AIADMK and DMK.
In this context, the support of Yadavs and Mudaliyars becomes crucial in deciding the winner. So far, the DMK has managed to hold on to the seat.
Despite facing allegations of casteist remarks and reports of tensions with MP Su Venkatesan, Moorthy is seen as having built a solid support base in the constituency. Meanwhile, the AIADMK is stepping up its efforts to reclaim lost ground in the region.
Madurai Central is represented by DMK’s popular Minister PTR Palanivel Thiaga Rajan (PTR), who currently holds the Information Technology portfolio. The constituency has a total of 2,25,478 voters – 1,10,089 men, 1,15,362 women, and 27 others.
PTR belongs to the Mudaliar community, and his family has had a long-standing presence in the region since the days of the Justice Party. His father, Palanivel Rajan, was a respected leader, whose legacy continues to lend PTR a strong support base locally. In the 2016 elections, he won with 42 percent of the vote. In 2021, he increased his vote share to 49 percent.
Though regarded as one of the most articulate and intellectual ministers in the DMK cabinet, PTR was moved from the Finance Ministry to the IT Ministry in 2023 following a controversial audio clip. Despite this, he continues to enjoy a favourable reputation among voters in his constituency.
The DMK has historically dominated this constituency, winning it more times than any other party. In terms of caste demographics, Mukkulathors make up over 30 percent of the electorate, followed by Sourashtrians (15 percent), Yadavs (10 percent), Mudaliyars (10 percent), along with a significant number of Muslims and other communities.
The AIADMK lacks a prominent figure in this constituency. As in other parts of Madurai, the Mukkulathor vote remains critical, but here, it is the additional support from other communities that often determines the outcome. In recent years, these groups have largely backed the DMK.
Madurai North constituency has a total of 2,44,879 voters – 1,19,507 men, 1,25,326 women, and 46 other voters.
Traditionally considered favourable to the AIADMK, this constituency was won by DMK candidate G Thalapathi in the 2021 Assembly election with 46 percent of the vote. He defeated P Saravanan, who contested as a BJP candidate at the time and secured 32 percent of the vote.
Saravanan, originally with the DMK, later joined the BJP and is now part of the AIADMK. In the previous election (2016), the seat was held by senior AIADMK leader VV Rajan Chellappa, who currently represents the Tirupparankundram constituency.
Like other constituencies in Madurai, this one too has a strong presence of the Mukkulathor community, which makes up over 30 percent of the population. Yadavs account for more than 20 percent, while Mudaliyars and Scheduled Castes each constitute over 10 percent.
Additionally, around 20 percent of the electorate are Sourashtrians, along with a notable number of Pillaimars and other communities.
The Mukkulathor vote is typically split between the AIADMK and DMK. The current MLA Thalapathi belongs to the Naidu community, which introduces a potential contest between caste-based voting blocs.
With both Saravanan and Rajan Chellappa belonging to the Mukkulathor community, the AIADMK may benefit from consolidated community support in upcoming elections.
Former AIADMK Minister Sellur Raju, originally from Madurai North, has been contesting and winning the Madurai West constituency since 2011. He won the Assembly elections in 2011, 2016, and 2021, making this a stronghold for the AIADMK.
The Madurai West constituency has a total of 3,08,689 voters, including 1,52,154 men, 1,56,524 women, and 11 other voters.
The Mukkulathor community makes up over 30 percent of the population here, followed by over 20 percent from Scheduled Castes and communities like Pillaimar. Chettiars, Yadavs, and other groups also form significant parts of the electorate. Sellur Raju belongs to the Kallar subsect of the Mukkulathor community, giving him a solid caste base in the constituency.
Moreover, the DMK has yet to field a strong or recognisable candidate against him in past elections, which has worked to his advantage.
This time, however, there is an expectation that the Pillaimar community’s votes – considerable in number – may swing toward actor Vijay’s TVK. Nonetheless, the DMK is also expected to make a serious push to capture the seat, likely leading to a tough contest.
Madurai South constituency, allocated to the DMK’s ally – the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) – is currently represented in the Assembly by M Bhoominathan. Traditionally, this constituency has been known for its electoral fluidity – it has, in the past, elected candidates from the CPI(M), AIADMK, and MDMK in different election cycles.
The constituency has 2,24,114 voters, including 1,11,241 men, 1,13,922 women, and 51 other voters. In terms of demographics, the Mukkulathor community makes up over 30 percent of the electorate, followed by Yadavs and Sourashtrians, each accounting for more than 20 percent. There is also a considerable presence of Scheduled Castes, Mudaliyars, Pillaimars, and Nadars.
While the Mukkulathor vote is split between the AIADMK and DMK, a majority typically leans towards the AIADMK, giving the party an edge. The sizeable Sourashtrian population in this constituency also tends to favour the AIADMK-BJP alliance.
This dynamic makes the seat more winnable for the alliance. As a result, the DMK is actively working to consolidate the votes of other communities to improve its chances.
In recent times, Tirupparankundram has emerged as a controversial flashpoint in Tamil Nadu politics. The Murugan temple and the Sikandar Dargah – both situated atop the Tirupparankundram hill – have long coexisted peacefully alongside other places of worship. However, demands from Hindu groups to ban animal sacrifices in the area sparked political and communal tensions.
The constituency has a total of 3,32,201 voters, comprising 1,63,243 men, 1,68,923 women, and 35 other voters. VV Rajan Chellappa, a senior AIADMK leader, currently represents the seat in the Assembly. Historically, Tirupparankundram has been a stronghold for the AIADMK.
One of the key reasons for this continued support is the legacy of K Kalimuthu, a former AIADMK leader and Speaker of the Tamil Nadu Assembly.
Mukkulathors make up around 40 percent of the population here, particularly the Agamudaiyar sub-group, which strongly supports the AIADMK. Vellalars, Naidus, and Scheduled Castes together account for about 20 percent, and there is also a notable Muslim population.
The solid Mukkulathor base and continued backing from other communities have ensured the AIADMK’s dominance in this constituency. Moreover, recent growth in BJP and Hindu nationalist activity – often seen as occurring with the AIADMK’s tacit support – has also been notable in this area.
The DMK does not currently have a prominent face in this constituency, and other parties also lack significant grassroots presence. This makes it relatively easier for the AIADMK to retain the seat. If this seat is allotted to the BJP in the next Assembly election, it would not come as a surprise.
In most of the elections held so far, the Usilampatti constituency has largely favoured the AIADMK and its ally, the All India Forward Bloc. Notably, out of the last 12 elections, the DMK has won only once. In all the other instances, either the AIADMK or its allied party emerged victorious. A key reason for this trend is the demographic composition of the constituency, which predominantly consists of people from the Kallar community, a subsect of the Mukkulathor caste.
The current MLA of the constituency, P Ayyappan, belongs to the faction led by O Panneerselvam, which was expelled from the AIADMK.
The Usilampatti Assembly constituency has a total of 2,84,738 voters – 1,42,508 women, 1,42,223 men, and 7 voters of other genders.
Socially, over 40 percent of the population belong to the Mukkulathor community. Scheduled Caste groups, including the Nadar community, make up about 20 percent, while other communities also have a significant presence.
With the AIADMK now split into multiple factions – Edappadi Palaniswami’s camp, O Panneerselvam’s faction, and TTV Dhinakaran’s Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam – the DMK sees an opportunity to make inroads into the region. This internal fragmentation could lead to a tough electoral battle for the AIADMK this time.
Sholavandan has generally been a favourable constituency for the DMK. Over the past six Assembly elections, it has alternated between electing DMK and AIADMK candidates. The constituency has a total of 2,28,629 voters – 1,11,832 men, 1,16,780 women, and 17 voters of other genders.
Demographically, Scheduled Castes constitute more than 30 percent of the population. The Mukkulathor community makes up over 20 percent, followed by the Pillai community at over 15 percent. Other communities are also present in notable numbers.
In this constituency, whenever the Mukkulathor votes split between the DMK and AIADMK, the Scheduled Caste vote has typically tilted in favour of the DMK. One key reason is that the current MLA, A Venkatesan, belongs to the Devendrakula Velalar community. In the 2021 Assembly elections, he won with 48 percent of the vote.
Apart from the major parties, Naam Tamilar Katchi and Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam have also gained notable traction in the constituency.
Overall, Sholavandan is expected to witness a close contest between the DMK and AIADMK in the upcoming election.
Melur, one of the prominent constituencies in Madurai, is currently held by the AIADMK. The party’s Pa Selvam Periyapullan has been elected as the MLA from this constituency for two consecutive terms. For nearly 25 years, this constituency has remained in the hands of the AIADMK. Notably, in the past ten Assembly elections held here, the DMK has never won the seat directly or held the position of MLA.
The constituency has a total of 2,48,093 voters – 1,22,660 men, 1,25,424 women, and 9 voters of other genders.
The constituency has a dominant presence of the Moopanar community, accounting for nearly 50 percent of the population. The Mukkulathor community makes up over 30 percent, while Scheduled Castes and Yadavs together form more than 20 percent. Other communities also reside here in significant numbers.
Once considered a stronghold of the Congress party, Melur has now become a base of support for the AIADMK. So far, the DMK has not contested directly here and has instead allotted the seat to its allies. However, this time, the DMK is expected to field a candidate directly in the constituency.
Thirumangalam, the constituency of senior AIADMK leader and former minister RB Udhayakumar, is a strategically important region for both major Dravidian parties. In the past 13 elections, the AIADMK has won here six times and the DMK three times directly. Udhayakumar has served as the MLA for the past two terms.
The constituency has a total of 2,83,238 voters, comprising 1,37,293 men, 1,45,928 women, and 17 other voters.
The constituency has a majority of Mukkulathor voters, accounting for more than 50 percent of the population. Scheduled Castes and the Naidu community together make up nearly 20 percent, and there is a significant presence of Vellalars and Sourashtrians as well.
As Udhayakumar belongs to the Kallar sub-caste of the Mukkulathor community, he enjoys strong social support in the region, and the constituency continues to be seen as an AIADMK stronghold.
However, the DMK has been consistently working to gain a foothold here. In this constituency, whoever secures the bulk of the Mukkulathor votes is likely to emerge victorious.
As the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections draw closer, the DMK appears to maintain a relatively strong position across all ten constituencies in Madurai district. However, internal frictions – particularly between Minister P Moorthy and PTR Palanivel Thiaga Rajan, as well as between Minister Moorthy and the CPI(M) – pose notable obstacles for the party.
Adding to these challenges, a major land-related corruption scandal recently erupted within the Madurai Corporation. The fallout has led to the removal of several DMK members from key positions, marking another significant setback for the party in the district.
In contrast, the AIADMK is facing its own crisis of fragmentation. The party remains split between factions led by Edappadi K Palaniswami, O Panneerselvam, and TTV Dhinakaran (under the banner of Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam). This division has caused confusion among the party’s traditional Thevar (Mukkulathor) voter base in Madurai, raising concerns of a potential dip in support.
While this fragmentation may hurt the AIADMK in some seats, a united front under the BJP-led alliance could still consolidate these votes to the party’s advantage.
As for the BJP, it has been making modest inroads, especially in urban areas including Thirupparankundram. Many attribute this to the AIADMK’s lack of grassroots engagement, which has left space for the BJP to grow. As a result, the BJP may contest one or two seats within the AIADMK alliance in Madurai.
The party also enjoys considerable support from the sizeable Sourashtrian community across all ten constituencies, which could prove to be a decisive factor.
Meanwhile, actor Vijay’s newly launched Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) is steadily gaining traction among Madurai’s youth. There is even speculation that Vijay might choose to contest from a Madurai seat – possibly echoing former Chief Minister MG Ramachandran, who contested from Madurai West in 1980.
Party insiders believe that key TVK leaders – such as Thangapandi from the Mukkulathor (Kallar) community and Kallanai from the Pillai community – could mobilise a strong base of young, caste-based voters in support of the party.
Ultimately, according to the demography, the party that secures the majority of Madurai’s ten seats is likely to dominate the broader southern region in the 2026 elections.
