Interview: ‘Can’t afford to split anti-DMK vote,’ says Tamilisai Soundararajan

She insists that recent developments in the state unit of the BJP, including internal realignments, will only strengthen the party’s resolve.

Published Aug 10, 2025 | 6:53 PMUpdated Aug 20, 2025 | 9:51 PM

Tamilisai Soundararajan

Synopsis: In an interview with South First, Tamilisai Soundararajan speaks about the road ahead for the saffron party in Tamil Nadu. She insists that recent developments in the state unit of the BJP, including internal realignments, will only strengthen the party’s resolve.

Senior BJP leader Dr Tamilisai Soundararajan has worn several hats, including serving as the saffron party’s Tamil Nadu president, the Governor of Telangana, and the Lieutenant Governor of Puducherry, among others. She is one of the prominent faces of the BJP’s Tamil Nadu unit.

In a candid interview with South First, Soundararajan speaks about the road ahead for the saffron party in Tamil Nadu.

From the dramatic exit of O Panneerselvam (OPS) from the NDA alliance to the political debut of actor Vijay and the prospects of a coalition government in Tamil Nadu after the 2026 elections, Soundararajan weighs in on the shifting political landscape.

As the state gears up for a crucial Assembly election, she asserts that the BJP remains focused on one goal: Defeating the DMK. She insists that recent developments in the state unit of the BJP, including internal realignments, will only strengthen the party’s resolve.

Also Read: AIADMK back in NDA, to fight Tamil Nadu Assembly polls with BJP and allies

Q: You have worked as a Governor and the BJP state president. Which role was more difficult for you? Which one do you like the most?

A: The more challenging position was being the president of the BJP, especially when it was a growing party. When I joined the BJP, many of my father’s friends asked me, “Why are you joining the BJP? Congress is a national party, an established party that has already ruled the country. You come from a Congress family.”

However, I had foresight. I believed in this party because I had heard the confident words of Vajpayee ji and Modi ji when I was a young politician. For example, Vajpayee ji once said in a public meeting — and even in Parliament — that this party, with just two members in Parliament, would one day rule the country. That level of confidence was inspiring.

And when a party can grow from two MPs to ruling the country, the same party — with just four MLAs in Tamil Nadu — can grow and become part of the ruling government here as well.

Another reason it was a challenge was that I had to face extra hurdles as a woman leader. At that time, there was a lot of false propaganda by Dravidian parties about NEET (National Eligibility cum Entrance Test), neutrino, and hydrocarbon projects. Most development projects were projected negatively.

As the state president (of the BJP), I had to face all these attacks. And as a woman, many Opposition leaders couldn’t counter me politically or intellectually, so they resorted to personal attacks — body shaming and humiliation.

Q: You said the BJP went on to govern the country after initially having just two MPs. But don’t you feel disappointed that you haven’t been able to bring significant numbers to your party from Tamil Nadu?

 A: Definitely. We are very disappointed. That’s precisely why I returned from the post of Governor — a very comfortable and respected position, ranked fourth in protocol in the country. I came back because I believed Tamil Nadu should contribute to the development of India and to the growth of our party. Tamil Nadu should have a stronger voice in Parliament, especially when it comes to its development.

However, here, people only see one side. There’s a lot of emotional bonding and brainwashing. They speak only of separatist sentiments and identity politics. We want to shift the conversation toward development. We want Tamil Nadu to be part of a double-engine government, where both the Centre and the state work together.

For example, when I contested from Thoothukudi, I promised to modernise the airport. It took time, but had I been elected MP, our mission could have been more strongly voiced in Parliament.

Q: But, isn’t the Thoothukudi airport project proposed by former Chief Minister M Karunanidhi in 2008?

A: Proposals can be made by anyone. But I ask — why didn’t they execute it when they were part of the UPA government? They were in power at the Centre for more than 18 years. Why didn’t they do what Modi ji has done? I can very boldly ask, P Chidambaram was the minister and more than five ministers from DMK, what great projects they brought for Tamil Nadu?

Under Modi ji, we expanded Tiruchirapalli Airport, Chennai Airport, and now even Thoothukudi Airport, where I was born, has been modernised. No one imagined such a transformation there. When I landed there, I was amazed at the scale of development. This is due to the prime minister’s vision.

They announced the Special Economic Zone in Nanguneri during the UPA era. But they didn’t do it. Now, we have electric car factories coming up in Thoothukudi because of improved connectivity, a modernised port, and an airport — all due to the prime minister’s push. This is not an isolated development by the DMK. It’s complementary to the Centre’s efforts.

Q: Are you acknowledging that the DMK has also contributed to development, especially in airports and other infrastructure?

A: No. The state government should contribute — but I’m asking, what did they do when they were part of the UPA government? Ask the people — what great developmental projects or industries did they bring during their time?

Q: We can list many developments. For example, it was Kalaignar who brought tech parks to Chennai and other cities. The current DMK government is expanding tech parks even to smaller cities.

A: Compare us to Hyderabad or Bengaluru. Are our tech parks on par with theirs? Tamil Nadu has incredibly talented people. But where’s the equivalent growth? They ruled the state five times. Stalin has been a Mayor, Deputy CM, and now CM. Still, we face the same issues.

Yes, there are new tech parks now, but that’s also because of India’s improved global image under Modi ji. Global players are now willing to invest in India and Tamil Nadu, creating competition among states. Tamil Nadu is benefiting from that — not solely due to state government efforts.

And look at the debt. Tamil Nadu’s debt doubled from 2021 to 2025 — ₹4 lakh crore! That’s not a small figure.

Also Read: US tariff hike to 51% hits Tamil Nadu’s textile sector

Q: However, economists say this debt level is not dangerous and that borrowing for development is healthy.

A: That’s what they say. But where are the tangible benefits for the people? Even now, the ₹1,000 monthly scheme is not reaching everyone. And it started only after two years. What happened to the law and order? Where is women’s safety?

They’re great at acting, drama, and propaganda — but not at creating basic infrastructure. Look at Chennai. My own house gets flooded. We have to elevate everything. They ruled five times! What did they do?

Q: Don’t you think AIADMK also had a role in it? They also ruled Tamil Nadu six times.

A: They have a role, but they are working on it. What has the DMK government done? They say ₹4,000 crore was allotted for stormwater drains. Where are the accounts?

They keep asking the Centre for funds but don’t explain their spending. It’s total misgovernance. Women aren’t safe. University students aren’t safe. Sexual harassment and POCSO cases are up. Custodial deaths are more frequent.

Q: When it comes to women’s safety, critics say the BJP too doesn’t do enough.

A: That’s completely false. When the Anna University case happened, we were the first to protest. I personally conducted a Mahila Durbar in Chennai to highlight women’s issues.

How can they say we’re silent? And what about the Nirbhaya funds? Reports say Tamil Nadu hasn’t utilised them properly. Even the Covid funds were not properly used. These are facts.

Q: But your party’s leaders, like Khushbu Sundar, are often harassed online. Recently, she was targeted by DMK supporters. Yet we don’t see BJP leaders, including you, openly condemning it.

A: That’s not true. I’ve spoken about it many times. I was trolled too. But tell me, has any DMK leader ever condemned the trolling of BJP female leaders?

Why should the blame always be on us? Why don’t they ask their own cadre to stop this behaviour? One of their speakers, Sivaji, speaks filth about women, and they let him go. A minister like Ponmudi made shocking statements — but only the court acted, not the party.

That’s the problem with DMK. Stalin never calls out his own leaders for how they talk about women. Have you ever heard him say, “Don’t talk about women like that”? Never.

Q: You, Pon Radhakrishnan, and L Murugan have all led the BJP in Tamil Nadu. But many say that the party has grown more under K Annamalai’s leadership. What’s your take on that?

 A: See, a building becomes visible only after a strong foundation is laid. That foundation must be laid by someone, and all our previous leaders have played that role. Annamalai has done good work, I’m not denying that, but what I’m saying is that it doesn’t mean the earlier leaders didn’t contribute.

Each of us worked hard during very challenging times, when the party was still growing in Tamil Nadu. Our efforts laid the groundwork for the growth you see now. Every leader who came before Annamalai helped strengthen that foundation. Without that, today’s visible progress wouldn’t be possible.

I don’t differentiate between leaders — this one did more, that one did less. Everyone contributed during their time. I joined the BJP in 1999, when KN Lakshmanan was the state president. He did everything he could during his time. Then came CP Radhakrishnan, who is now the Governor of Maharashtra.

After that, La Ganesan took over — now the Governor of Meghalaya, earlier in Nagaland. Then came Pon Radhakrishnan, who also served as Union Minister. Later, I led the party and served as the only female president in Tamil Nadu for a long time.

We all worked together, and it is through this collective effort that the BJP has grown in the state.

Q: This list seems to suggest that every former BJP state president ends up becoming a Governor somewhere.

A: No, it’s not like that. These are leaders who toiled on the ground during very challenging times. The BJP has a culture of recognising the hard work and dedication of its karyakartas.

That’s the beauty of our party — it acknowledges and respects the service rendered to the party and the nation.

Q: Don’t you think this goes against the spirit of the Constitution? Any Indian citizen can become a Governor, of course, but appointing party members as Governors in Opposition-ruled states — doesn’t that raise ethical concerns?

A: Hasn’t the same happened during the Congress rule? Let’s be fair — any Indian citizen is eligible to become a Governor. The Constitution allows it.

What the party is doing is recognising people who have worked sincerely during difficult times. It’s not just about loyalty — these individuals are also capable and talented administrators.

Their ability to manage a state is being acknowledged. So it’s both recognition of past service and acknowledgement of their administrative competence.

Also Read: FIR filed against BJP’s Nainar Nagendran, K Annamalai for hate speech

Q: In the recent list of BJP state office bearers, your name and Annamalai’s name were missing. Some speculate that he may be given a national role, and you may be made Deputy CM if the BJP wins. Is that true?

A: No, no — people can say many things. But the truth is, neither of us was expected to be on that list. I’m a former state president, and so is Annamalai. Once someone has held that position, it’s not protocol to include them in the current list of state office bearers. So there’s no surprise in our names not being there.

That said, the party may give us any responsibility based on our capabilities and the needs of the organisation. The BJP always assigns roles by looking at a person’s capacity, experience, and where they can best contribute.

I’ve always believed a post is not just a title — it’s a responsibility. Even when I was the state president, I didn’t treat it as just a position of power. I saw it as a working role — as a karyakarta. That’s the mindset of everyone in our party.

​​Q: The 2026 Assembly elections are almost here. What is the BJP’s plan for Tamil Nadu?

A: Our action plan is already in motion. Our state president, Nainar Nagendran, is actively touring every district to strengthen the booth committees at the grassroots level. At the same time, our alliance partner, former chief minister Edappadi K Palaniswami (of the AIADMK), has also launched his campaign.

Our party cadres and leaders are joining hands with the alliance to work together on the ground. Recently, we even had a joint dinner meeting — a lighter moment, but an important opportunity to share ideas and build synergy.

We are moving forward with great determination. We are continuously exposing the misgovernance of the current state government and taking our message to the people. We are confident that we will be winning in 2026.

Q: But don’t you think the BJP is already losing ground? Recently, your longtime ally O Panneerselvam announced his exit from the NDA alliance. Will this impact the BJP?

A: No, I don’t think so. He has made his decision, but even now, I appeal to him: he should not have taken such a step. A little more patience would have helped in navigating the political situation in Tamil Nadu.

Regardless of who the Opposition leaders are, their common goal must be to defeat the DMK. I believe even OPS anna shares that determination.

Historically, whether it was MGR or Jayalalithaa, they were always opposed to the DMK. So, OPS’s political direction, too, should align with that goal.

Q: Did you speak to him after his decision?

A: No, I haven’t, because I am not the head of the BJP. I follow the party line, and I cannot initiate separate talks. But I want to make this appeal — no matter what the situation is, our collective goal must be to defeat the DMK. We cannot afford to split the anti-DMK vote.

All our efforts and ambitions should be directed towards defeating the DMK. That is my opinion. OPS has the right to make his own decisions, but this is my earnest appeal and personal view.

Q: There are reports that BJP State President Nainar Nagendran and O Panneerselvam were not close even during their time in the AIADMK. Some say OPS was deliberately sidelined. What do you say?

A: I don’t want to get into that. I would rather not comment on the personal relationship between leaders. That is not my domain. If it were a matter concerning the party, I could respond. But in this case, I have nothing to say.

Q: In the 2021 election, the BJP contested about 20 seats. Can we expect the party to contest at least 50 seats this time?

A: That is a decision for our state president. We are also guided by our national president and our former national president and Union Home Minister Amit Shah ji, who is a very strong and capable leader. He has the ability to motivate candidates and help secure more seats.

I don’t want to speculate on the number, but whatever it may be, the alliance will function in a cordial manner. It will be a reasonable and mutually agreed number of seats.

And we will definitely work hard to win every seat allocated to us — not just for BJP, but for our alliance partners as well.

Q: Edappadi Palaniswami says there will be no coalition government even if the AIADMK-BJP alliance wins, while Amit Shah has indicated there will be. Whose view do you align with?

A: I don’t want to get into that debate. Our focus right now is to win the elections. These kinds of statements and speculation shouldn’t create confusion among our cadres or alliance partners.

We respect and consider the views of all leaders. As for us, we will go by the guidance of Amit Shah ji and the collective wisdom of our alliance leadership. We are fighting this election as a united front. Once we win, our senior leaders will make the appropriate decisions.

Q: Reports suggest you are seeking a ticket to contest from Nanguneri or Virugambakkam. Is that true?

A: No, I haven’t asked for anything. I’ve never sought any position in the party. I have always followed what the party decides. I am a disciplined karyakarta of the BJP.

If the party wants me to contest, I will. If the party asks me to campaign, I will do that. If the party wants me to work in any constituency, I will do that wholeheartedly. I have no personal ambition or preference — I do what the party asks me to do. That’s who I am.

Q: BJP already has some support in the Kongu region. Now, the AIADMK under Edappadi Palaniswami also enjoys strong backing from the Gounder and other communities. Some say the BJP appointed Nainar Nagendran as state president to gain support from the Mukkulathor community in the south. Is that true?

A: I don’t agree with that kind of narrative. In the BJP, state presidents are appointed through a well-defined organisational process that takes place every three years — not just in Tamil Nadu, but across the country.

I can tell you this from personal experience — I was deputed to Andaman & Nicobar as a former state president to oversee their presidential election. Similarly, other senior leaders are sent to different states to facilitate these internal elections.

It’s incorrect to single out Tamil Nadu. The process is purely organisational and democratic. At the time of elections — especially in an election-bound state — the party decides who can best lead the organisation. That does not mean others are less capable. Every leader has their own strengths, and the party values each one.

Once elected, we all work unitedly under the leadership of the new president. Whether one is a former president or a grassroots karyakarta, we all follow the party line. The state president is guided by the national president and our senior leadership. That is the BJP’s structure — disciplined, democratic, and well-organised.

Bringing caste into this is not only incorrect, but it also undermines the principles on which our party functions.

Also Read: Tamil Nadu records highest GSDP growth in 2024-25

Q: I understand the democratic process you’re describing. But on the ground, caste equations do influence politics in Tamil Nadu. Can we ignore that reality?

A: Let me ask — would you pose the same question to the DMK?

Reporter: Of course.

A: Then I’ll say this — we should not reduce leadership to caste labels. A leader is chosen for multiple reasons: Capability, experience, trust, and organisational strength. I don’t want to ascribe caste to any appointment. That kind of thinking diminishes the leader’s merit and the democratic process itself.

Q: DMK has been ruling Tamil Nadu for four years now. On a scale of 1 to 10, how would you rate their performance?

A: I don’t even think their performance qualifies for an assessment. If I were to rate them highly, I should be celebrating their achievements — but there’s nothing to celebrate.

For four years, they failed to fulfil the promises made in their own manifesto. Now, suddenly, with elections around the corner, they are rushing to hold camps and claim they’ll fulfil people’s needs in just 45 days. If they had genuinely served the people over the last four years, such hurried camps wouldn’t be necessary.

Look at the turnout — thousands are attending these camps, which shows the extent of unmet needs. If the government had been consistently reaching out to the people and delivering, this scramble would not be happening.

Instead, IAS officers are being made into campaign agents. Even the courts have criticised the chief minister for branding everything under “Stalin” — but government schemes are not personal achievements. Governments may change, but the schemes are meant to serve the people continuously, not be used for propaganda.

This sudden urgency shows that the DMK government failed to deliver over four years, and now they are trying to fix everything in a few weeks.

Q: Don’t all parties do the same before elections?

A: No, that’s not a fair generalisation. Just because the DMK is doing it doesn’t mean all parties function the same way.

For instance, the chief minister is inaugurating a hospital in Chromepet today (7 August). But just yesterday, a report in an English daily highlighted that there are no doctors in a nearby Primary Health Centre in Tambaram. This is the contrast I’m talking about.

Governance should be continuous and consistent — not done in spurts right before elections. If people were truly taken care of over the last four and a half years, they wouldn’t be rushing to camps today. That itself reflects the failure of this government.

Q: What are the main differences you see between former CM Karunanidhi and current CM Stalin?

A: Every leader has their own style and approach. But if I have to point out one key difference, Kalaignar Karunanidhi was deeply rooted in Tamil literature. He wasn’t just a political leader; he was also respected as a literary figure. He authored numerous works in Tamil and contributed significantly to the language and culture.

That literary and intellectual depth is clearly missing in the current Chief Minister. Stalin.

Q: Do you think actor Vijay’s party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, has caused a setback for the BJP in Tamil Nadu?

A: Not at all. There may be many new parties, many new leaders — that doesn’t mean it’s a setback for the BJP.

Q: Why? Is it because some claim Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam is the ‘B-Team’ of BJP?

A: Anyone can make claims — that doesn’t make them true. BJP stands on its own strength. We are a national party, ruling in multiple states, with a strong and committed cadre base in Tamil Nadu. We are focused, and we are growing.

Our only hero is Narendra Modi. We don’t need any other faces. For us, Modi ji is not just a political leader — he’s a national icon and an international statesman.

His schemes are transforming the country. If Tamil Nadu had implemented them sincerely, people here would have seen even more development. But unfortunately, the DMK government deliberately blocks and resists central schemes just for political reasons.

Look at Indore — it’s now a world-class city because of the Centre’s focus on cleanliness and infrastructure. But what about Chennai? It has fallen behind in cleanliness rankings. What has the DMK achieved after ruling Tamil Nadu five times?

People are watching. They will see through the propaganda and realise the value of real development under Modi ji.

Q: You mentioned development. According to recent data from the Union Ministry of Statistics, Tamil Nadu achieved an economic growth rate of 11.19 percent —the only state to record double-digit growth.

A: I want to ask—when you highlight this growth, why don’t you also acknowledge India’s overall growth? Every time someone talks about Stalin, they say he was elected by the people. But our Prime Minister is also elected by people only — why isn’t he spoken of in the same tone?

This growth is not solely due to the DMK. Tamil Nadu’s bureaucracy is strong, and that strength comes from a legacy — Kamarajar (former chief minister K Kamaraj) sowed the seeds of education, and successive leaders focused on development. I’m proud to be from Tamil Nadu — we have capable ministers, officers, and people.

However, let’s also remember that the state’s debt has increased, and so have debt servicing costs. That must be acknowledged when discussing growth.

Q: What I find inconsistent is that when there’s something positive, you credit Kamarajar. But when it’s negative, you blame Kalaignar. On the national level, when something goes wrong, you blame Nehru. But when something goes right, you praise Modi. Isn’t that selective?

A: We’re speaking the truth — this is reality. Can you deny that Kashmir’s problem isn’t rooted in Nehru’s decisions? Can you deny that the spread of pseudo-secularism stems from Nehru’s policies? If the truth hurts some people, what can we do? I’m standing by what I said.

Q: Despite Tamil Nadu’s growth, the state government alleges that the Union government has not released many funds, especially under the SSA (Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan) and other Union schemes.

A: Our prime minister has already clarified this. The NDA government has released several times more funds than the previous UPA government, of which DMK was a part. We’ve supported the states much more consistently.

Q: Specifically on the SSA, reports suggest that funds are still pending.

A: SSA funds are linked to specific guidelines and implementation norms. If a state doesn’t follow the intended framework, how can the funds be released?

For example, if a District Collector is supposed to implement a scheme but doesn’t do it properly, will the chief minister approve further funds for that collector? No. The scheme has to be implemented as designed. That is how the system works. You can’t just blame the Union government without following due process.

Also Read: Centre tells Parliament it has denied education funds over NEP resistance

Q: Understood. But SSA is different from the NEP (National Education Policy), right?

A: No, my question is—when every other able to align with national policies, why is Tamil Nadu resisting? Why politicise it? I’ll tell you categorically: because of NEP, 54 Indian universities have achieved global rankings — this was not the case earlier.

NEP is designed to elevate students from the classroom to a global platform. Are Tamil Nadu’s students not deserving of that opportunity?

Also, why this discrimination between government and private school students? Private schools follow a three-language policy. But government schools don’t. Why this double standard?

Let me give you an example from Puducherry. We converted all government schools to the CBSE curriculum. Poor families who were earlier forced to sell land or pawn jewellery to send their kids to private schools are now happily enrolling them in government schools.

But in Tamil Nadu, the state government is politicising education. They are resisting reforms not on merit, but on political ideology. Even though we are criticised for saying this, it is our duty to speak the truth and do what’s good for the people of Tamil Nadu.

NEP was not made overnight. It was formulated after extensive consultations, including with renowned educationist Dr. Kasturirangan. It is refined, forward-looking, and inclusive.

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to NEP is not only political—it’s a disservice to students. And this is the real injustice being done to the people of Tamil Nadu.

Q: Don’t you think that, by electing the DMK government again and again, the people of Tamil Nadu are essentially accepting whatever they say?

A: Then by that logic, electing the same prime minister again and again would mean the whole nation is accepting everything he says.

Q: But the nation is not singular, right? It’s plural.

A: Yes, it’s plural. But I feel they are trying to politicise everything. You’re not willing to acknowledge the good schemes — and that is a mistake, not just of the DMK but of the larger discourse. I don’t want to get into unnecessary politics. What matters is: What is good for the people? Let them take it.

That’s why we’re not imposing anything. For example, I learned Telugu when I went to Andhra Pradesh. I had a cordial relationship with Telugu-speaking brothers and sisters. So, language learning shouldn’t be about imposition.

Even when we go to Uttar Pradesh, we see Tamil names on boats — that’s cultural exchange. This shouldn’t be seen as separatism or a desire for discrimination.

It’s not about discrimination — it’s about the desire to learn. If people want to learn another language, why stop them? The government may not want to impose, but then why are private schools allowed to do it? Why this double standard? That’s what we’re questioning.

Q: You must have read The Hindu’s article recently — in North India, not even half the population learns a third language.

A: No, no, no. I don’t want to get into that. North India or that India or this India is doing. My question is: What’s good for Tamil Nadu? That’s what we must focus on.

You are emotionally brainwashing the people of Tamil Nadu. You’re not letting them decide what they want.

And when private schools are allowed to teach other languages, but government school students are not given that option, that is discrimination. We are raising our voice for those government school children.

(Edited by Muhammed Fazil.)

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