It is unlikely that Anbumani will seriously take on Ramadoss politically. The issue is still a family matter. If it isn’t resolved soon, the damage could be a long-lasting one.
Published May 31, 2025 | 12:45 PM ⚊ Updated May 31, 2025 | 2:35 PM
Dr. Ramadoss restructures PMK leadership, removes Anbumani from executive committee (Supplied)
Synopsis: The Pattali Makkal Katchi is at a crossroads in Tamil Nadu. The party, founded on the principles of Karl Marx, BR Ambedkar, and Periyar, and once thrived on the support of the downtrodden, has been rocked by a family feud that could prove detrimental to its existence if Ramadoss and his son Anbumani do not bury the hatchet and decide to move forward.
The Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), long considered one of Tamil Nadu’s key political parties, is now on the verge of a split due to an escalating internal conflict.
Tensions between the party’s founder, Dr S Ramadoss, and his son, Dr Anbumani Ramadoss, have been brewing for some time. In recent weeks, the differences have become apparent.
On 16 May, Dr Ramadoss summoned all district presidents and secretaries to his residence at Thailapuram in the Villupuram district for a meeting. However, out of the 220 invitees, only 22 attended, signalling a major show of dissent.
Speaking to South First shortly after the meeting, PMK treasurer Thilagabama declared support for Anbumani, further underlining the deepening divide within the party.
On 29 May, Ramadoss addressed the media and launched a scathing attack on Anbumani and his wife, Sowmya Anbumani. He accused Anbumani of misguiding the party and claimed that both Anbumani and Sowmya had pleaded with him to ally with the BJP.
He went on to say that appointing Anbumani as a minister at the age of 35—against his principles—had been a mistake. Ramadoss also warned that if necessary, he would expel Anbumani from the party.
In response, on Friday, 30 May, Anbumani convened a meeting in Chennai’s Sholinganallur, attended by several district-level functionaries.
“PMK is not anyone’s personal property,” he told them. “I am the president recognised by the Election Commission. Each of you here has been elected by the general council. We will continue to serve the party as its loyal workers. Positions may come and go, but your love and support are permanent.”
Amid these developments, Ramadoss removed Thilagabama from the post of treasurer. However, within hours, Anbumani issued a counter-statement, reinstating her—an unmistakable sign of the growing power struggle.
These events suggested that the rift within the PMK has now snowballed into a full-blown crisis, with the party’s future hanging in the balance.
There have been stories — and even movies — of doctors offering treatment for a small amount. Dr S Ramadoss was one such doctor.
After completing his medical degree from Chennai Medical College, he began his practice at the Government Hospital in Tindivanam in the 1960s. Though he worked in the public sector only briefly, he later offered private consultations for as little as ₹3 to ₹5, treating patients as a form of social service.
During this period, Ramadoss came to realise the widespread lack of education among his community — the Vanniyars. Influenced by the ideas of Karl Marx, BR Ambedkar, and Periyar, he developed a progressive and socially just worldview. In 1980, to unite the Vanniyar community, he founded the Vanniyar Sangam.
The Vanniyars are estimated to constitute around 12–15% of Tamil Nadu’s population, primarily concentrated in the northern districts of the state.
Until 1989, Tamil Nadu did not have a separate category for the Most Backward Classes (MBC). Apart from the Forward castes, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, all other castes were classified under the single Backward Classes (BC) category.
Ramadoss argued that Vanniyars were being left behind in both education and employment due to this broad classification. Starting in 1980, he led several protests through the Vanniyar Sangam demanding 20% reservation for the Vanniyar community.
One of the most significant turning points came in 1987. In September, Ramadoss led a massive protest. In an intense show of resistance, roadside trees were cut and thrown across highways to block traffic. As the agitation escalated, Ramadoss was arrested and lodged at the Central Prison in Chennai. The protests, however, intensified in his absence and continued for over a week.
This series of road blockades paralysed large parts of northern Tamil Nadu. To suppress the uprising, paramilitary forces were deployed. In the brutal crackdown that followed, 21 protesters were killed in police firing, and thousands were arrested.
The uprising marked a watershed moment not just for the Vanniyar Sangam but for Ramadoss himself. It was out of this struggle that the idea of a political party for the Vanniyars took shape.
On 16 July 1989, Ramadoss formally launched the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) at a meeting attended by a massive crowd at Chennai’s Marina Beach (Sirani Arangam).
Although the party was founded to serve the interests of the Vanniyar community, Ramadoss structured its constitution in a way that aimed to include all backward and oppressed communities. He ensured that the post of general secretary would always be held by someone from a Scheduled Caste background. He also made some solemn promises at the time:
There was one more crucial promise:
“These pledges will be upheld until my last breath — and even after I am gone,” he then declared.
Now, however, Ramadoss expressed regret over having broken one of those vows by making Anbumani a Union Minister at the age of 35.
The PMK made an impressive debut in the 1991 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections. Just two years into its existence, the party secured 14,52,982 votes, garnering 5.9% of the total vote share—an outcome that surprised many observers.
Except for a dip in 1996 (3.8%), the PMK consistently maintained a vote share above 5% in the subsequent Assembly elections: 5.6% in both 2001 and 2006, 5.2% in 2011, and 5.4% in 2016. However, in the 2021 elections, the party regressed to its 1996 performance level, registering just 3.8% of the vote share.
In absolute terms, the PMK’s vote count dropped from 23,00,775 in 2016 to 17,58,774 in 2021—a decrease of nearly 5.5 lakh votes.
The 2001 Assembly elections marked a high point when the PMK, in alliance with the AIADMK, won 20 seats with a total of 15,57,500 votes. Ironically, in 2016, despite securing over 23 lakh votes while contesting independently, the party failed to win even a single seat.
PMK’s performance in the parliamentary elections followed a similar trajectory. In 1991, it polled 15,36,350 votes (5.8%). But similar to the 1996 Assembly election, its vote share dipped drastically to 2% in the 1996 Lok Sabha polls.
A strategic alliance with the AIADMK in 1998 helped the PMK win four out of five contested seats, capturing 6% of the vote. Ramadoss used this opportunity to nominate Dalit leader R Ezhilmalai (Dalit Ezhilmalai) as the party’s Union Minister in the BJP-led cabinet. In 1999, aligning with the DMK-BJP combine, the PMK contested seven seats, won five, and secured 8% of the vote share. NT Shanmugam represented the party in the Union Cabinet.
After the DMK pulled out of the NDA, the PMK stayed with the DMK and contested five seats in the next election, winning all of them. Yet, its vote share slightly dropped to 6.7%. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, despite contesting in alliance with the AIADMK and garnering a significant 10% vote share, the party failed to win any seats.
In the 2014 general election, the PMK joined the BJP-led NDA. Anbumani was the party’s lone winner, and the party’s vote share slipped to 4.5%. The 2019 elections were even more disappointing: contesting in seven constituencies as part of the AIADMK-BJP alliance, the PMK lost all. Subsequently, Anbumani was given a Rajya Sabha seat as part of the alliance arrangement.
After a major setback in the 2021 Assembly elections, the 2024 general election saw further decline. The PMK contested in 10 constituencies but failed to win any, with its vote share falling to just 4%.
It is evident from these results that the party’s downward trajectory began around 2016. The steady erosion of voter support has since translated into consistent electoral defeats.
While the latest election results suggest that the PMK’s electoral decline began after 2016, veteran journalist Priyan Srinivasan argued that the party’s downward trajectory started as early as 2009.
“The PMK was born out of a significant struggle — 21 people lost their lives demanding 20% reservation for the most backward classes. That victory gave the party political legitimacy and momentum. From 1998 onwards, they held positions in successive Union governments — a period of steady growth,” Priyan told South First.
However, according to him, the turning point came in 2009. “In 2011, when Vijayakanth joined the AIADMK alliance, PMK moved to the DMK camp. That shift led to a massive defeat. Until then, it had consistently won 18–20 Assembly seats. But after that, things began to go downhill.”
“In 2014, they allied with the BJP. Even then, Anbumani’s victory was largely influenced by the wave created by the Ilavarasan-Divya issue. In 2016, he projected himself as a chief ministerial candidate with the slogan ‘Change and Progress’, but it didn’t resonate with voters. In 2019, after harshly criticising the AIADMK, the PMK allied with them again — an unnatural alliance that failed to yield results. Then in 2021, as part of the AIADMK-BJP alliance, it contested four seats and won none.”
By 2024, even that alliance had disintegrated. “The northern belt, excluding Chennai, covers 11 districts and 77 Assembly segments. In this belt, the AIADMK won 14 seats, while the PMK managed just one. This shows that PMK’s votes have migrated to the AIADMK, but the reverse isn’t true,” Priyan observed.
“In 2024, they again joined hands with the BJP but failed to win a single seat. Anbumani thought a victory by Sowmya Anbumani could lead to a Union Cabinet berth — but even that plan failed,” he added.
Asked about the impact of the ongoing power struggle within the party, Priyan said, “This is a family feud at its core. Dr Ramadoss is clearly under pressure — his cadre knows it, though it hasn’t been spoken about openly. Just recently, at a PMK social media meeting, he reportedly said Anbumani should become the Chief Minister. But the next day, he changed his tone. That flip-flop reflects the internal strain. If the family doesn’t resolve it internally, the rift could widen further.”
The 30 May meeting in Chennai saw Anbumani reasserting his position in the party. “You are the PMK,” he told the party office-bearers. I’ve been under emotional stress for a long time — I felt liberated only yesterday. From now on, I will act independently.”
He also updated the party’s official letterhead and membership forms to reflect a new office address, dropping the current PMK headquarters.
Yet, Priyan remained sceptical of a full-blown rebellion. “I don’t think Anbumani will seriously take on Ramadoss politically. This is still a family matter. If it isn’t resolved soon, the damage could be long-lasting. Cadres are confused — the removals and reinstatements will only further harm the party.”
When asked whether the PMK can return to its former strength, Priyan was blunt. “PMK was never a dominant party — at best, it’s a second-rung player. They’ve also failed to expand beyond the northern districts. Even within this region, their vote share has fragmented. The DMK, in particular, has attracted non-Vanniyar votes that once went to the PMK. Even some Vanniyars have stopped voting for them.”
He added, “If you’ve handed over leadership to Anbumani, let him function freely. Ramadoss’s legacy is undisputed, but the next generation has accepted Anbumani. Let him lead — that’s the only way forward.”
Will the recent turmoil affect the party’s electoral prospects? Priyan felt it already had. “Cadres are directionless. If this continues, they will drift toward other parties. And for potential allies, this chaos weakens PMK’s bargaining power. Parties will begin to ask: What do they bring to the table?”
With the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections approaching in 2026, and Anbumani’s Rajya Sabha term ending on 24 June, the PMK scion is expected to shift focus to state politics. But unless the party resolves its internal crisis soon, even holding on to its existing vote bank may prove difficult.
(Edited by Majnu Babu).
