As the Grand Old Party prepares for the Assembly elections, it faces the prospect of contesting without the mass appeal of Oommen Chandy for the first time since his death in 2023 – and without a leader of equal stature.
Published Jul 19, 2025 | 9:00 AM ⚊ Updated Jul 19, 2025 | 9:00 AM
For the Congress in Kerala, Chandy’s legacy is more sentimental than strategic.
Synopsis: As the Congress prepares for the all-important 2026 Kerala Assembly elections, it faces the prospect of contesting without the mass appeal of Oommen Chandy for the first time since his death in 2023 – and without a leader of comparable stature. Friday’s memorial at the late Congressman’s tomb in Puthuppally was, if anything, a stark reminder of how deeply the party’s electoral strategy still leans on the former Chief Minister’s legacy. Experts tell South First that the party can build a compelling narrative around being more accessible than the LDF by invoking Chandy’s legacy, but while he remains a moral compass, his legacy alone does not guarantee electoral success.
After witnessing the crucifixion of Jesus, the Roman centurion tasked with overseeing the execution was shaken by the darkness that fell, the trembling earth, and the grace with which Jesus embraced death.
Oommen Chandy’s tomb.
He declared, “This man was truly just and righteous.”
The same words are etched on the tomb of veteran Congressman and former Kerala Chief Minister Oommen Chandy, located in Puthuppally in Kottayam district.
Two years after his passing, on Friday 18 July, the Congress in Kerala, with Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi in tow, stood once again before Chandy’s tomb.
They were there not just to pay tribute; with the high-stakes 2026 Assembly election looming – seen by many as a do-or-die battle for the party – the Congress once again publicly invoked the towering legacy of its most beloved leader in the state.
But is that legacy alone enough to turn the tide in their favour?
As the Grand Old Party prepares for the Assembly elections, it faces the prospect of contesting without the mass appeal of Oommen Chandy for the first time since his death in 2023 – and without a leader of equal stature.
Opposition leader Rahul Gandhi pays tribute at Oommen Chandy’s tomb.
The memorial event in Puthuppally was, if anything, proof of just how heavily the party’s electoral strategy still leans on his legacy, with the political vacuum he left behind remaining conspicuously unfilled.
Public policy expert JS Adoor, who served over three decades at the United Nations and later headed the public policy cell of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee, described Chandy’s legacy as more sentimental than strategic.
“Oommen Chandy was immensely popular. Yet Congress lost the elections in 2016 and 2021. That tells you electoral dynamics are shaped by multiple factors such as the candidate, local issues, and constituency-level strategies,” Adoor told South First.
For the Puthuppally constituency, Chandy Oommen [Oommen Chandy’s son, who won the 2023 by-election following his father’s passing] is likely to win again in 2026, probably with a margin exceeding 20,000 votes. But across Kerala, elections depend on factors such as the candidate, local issues, and constituency-level strategies.
He stressed that while Chandy remains a moral compass for Congress workers, electoral success is not guaranteed by legacy alone.
“He was an organic leader who rose from the grassroots. His appeal went beyond party lines – because he helped people, regardless of politics or status. That was his real achievement. He was, above all, a humanist Congressman,” he explained.
So does Chandy’s legacy hold the same sway as those of towering leaders in neighbouring states – Karunanidhi, Jayalalithaa, Y S Rajasekhara Reddy – whose memories still cast a long shadow over elections?
“Kerala has never been an empire under a single ruler at any point in history. Unlike Tamil Nadu or Andhra Pradesh, which were shaped by powerful dynasties and towering leaders, Kerala’s history is marked by diverse rulers and fragmented governance. Naturally, this has led to a distinctly different political culture,” Adoor explained.
“Chandy wasn’t a ‘cinematic’ mass icon like M G Ramachandran or Jayalalithaa. His power came from personal connections. After his death, people realised the void. Lakhs had a personal memory with him.”
He added that while leaders like K Karunakaran and Chandy were crowd-pullers, elections ultimately come down to ground realities and not just charisma.
The 2021 Kerala Assembly elections marked a significant setback for the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), which won only 41 seats – six fewer than in the previous election – while the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) secured a historic consecutive term with 99 seats.
KK Shailaja at Thalassery on 21 April. (South First)
Even though Oommen Chandy had remained active within the UDF, his campaign presence and frontline visibility were limited by serious health issues – leaving a visible void in the coalition’s campaign.
Furthermore, several more interlinked factors contributed to the UDF’s poor performance. Despite being out of power since 2016, it failed to harness anti-incumbency sentiments, as the LDF’s strong governance narrative dominated the campaign.
The ruling LDF, led by Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, gained public approval for its welfare schemes and, most notably, its effective handling of the COVID-19 crisis, which significantly boosted its credibility.
In contrast, the UDF struggled with internal leadership issues and lacked a unified, compelling message. The alliance’s inability to address local-level concerns and its disjointed coalition dynamics further weakened its ground presence.
Meanwhile, the LDF managed to project stability and continuity – traits that resonated with voters during uncertain times.
As a result, the 2021 election became a turning point, where the electorate defied Kerala’s tradition of alternating governments and endorsed the LDF for a second straight term.
Several political analysts in Kerala trace the UDF’s defeat in 2016 to two major factors: deep-rooted corruption and shifting voter alignments.
Saritha Nair, prime accused in the solar scam case. Photo: Supplied
During the UDF’s tenure, corruption had reached alarming levels. A glaring example was the bar licence scandal, where a senior minister was accused of accepting significant kickbacks, and then Chief Minister Oommen Chandy was seen publicly defending him.
Additionally, the solar scam involving Saritha Nair cast a long shadow over Chandy himself, further denting public trust. Multiple cabinet members faced allegations, reinforcing the perception that corruption had become institutionalised within the government.
Beyond corruption, demographic shifts in voter loyalty played a decisive role. A segment of Hindu voters, historically aligned with the Congress, began to feel increasingly alienated.
There was a growing sentiment that UDF administrations had disproportionately favoured minority communities, particularly Christians and Muslims, with the Kerala Congress and Indian Union Muslim League wielding significant influence.
This perceived imbalance prompted a number of disenchanted Hindu voters to gravitate towards the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
Simultaneously, the BJP’s rising footprint created a sense of urgency among minority communities, leading to a consolidation of Christian and Muslim votes in favour of the LDF in constituencies where the BJP posed a serious challenge.
As a result, the Congress suffered setbacks from both sides – losing Hindu support to the NDA and minority votes to the LDF.
Senior journalist and political analyst from Kerala, MP Basheer, told South First that the Congress can build a compelling narrative around being more accessible than the LDF by highlighting the legacy of Oommen Chandy.
“No party in Kerala has ever made significant electoral gains solely based on the memory of a deceased leader,” he noted.
“Such sentiments tend to fade quickly, but Congress can capitalise on the immediate recall by contrasting Chandy’s warm and approachable image with Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan’s more stern and distant persona.”
Basheer added that leaders like Shafi Parambil, KS Sabarinadhan, and Chandy Oommen are working to carry forward Chandy’s legacy – not necessarily for immediate electoral success, but to secure their legitimacy within the party and position themselves for future contests.
He also pointed out that while Kerala typically enters election mode after the local body polls in October–November, this time the political heat seems to be rising earlier.
With the BJP gaining nearly 17 percent of the vote share in the last Lok Sabha elections – its highest ever in the state – the upcoming Assembly election could shape into a triangular contest.
“The BJP led in 11 Assembly segments and came second in 9 others. That makes the Hindu vote base crucial, especially as the party aims to consolidate it,” Basheer said.
While Oommen Chandy’s legacy may not be a decisive factor in vote swings, it will likely serve as a key contrast in Congress’s positioning against Pinarayi Vijayan.
On a personal front, despite securing his 12th consecutive victory from his stronghold Puthuppally in the 2021 Assembly elections, Oommen Chandy witnessed a significant erosion in his support base.
Puthuppally election result.
He represented the Puthuppally constituency from 1970 until his death in 2023, making him the longest-serving member of the Kerala Legislative Assembly.
Yet, his 2021 victory margin was the lowest in three decades – dropping from a commanding 27,092 votes in 2016 to just 9,044 votes.
The unexpected dip shocked the Congress, although it was less severe than the party’s overall state-wide debacle, with the UDF losing ground and the LDF sweeping 99 out of 140 seats.
The CPI(M)’s young candidate Jaick C Thomas, contesting against Chandy for the second time, managed to dent the veteran leader’s dominance, hinting that even Puthuppally was no longer immune to the LDF’s growing influence.
The perception that the ‘Puthuppally fort’ could eventually fall to the Left began gaining ground, especially with the CPI(M)’s aggressive campaign and targeted social outreach.
Chandy Oommen’s victory with a margin of over 37,000 votes in the 2023 by-election was largely driven by an emotional and sympathetic wave in the constituency. The true political sentiment of the voters, however, will only be revealed in the 2026 elections.
Despite the grand legacy celebrations and emotional tributes, the Congress has not been able to fully draw strength from the legacy of Oommen Chandy – a legacy built through a lifetime of dedication to politics and public service.
Yet, such programmes do offer one important takeaway: they help create a much-needed sense of unity among party workers. For a party often divided by internal factions, this feeling of togetherness could be its most valuable asset in the crucial elections ahead.
(Edited by Dese Gowda)
