Kerala government is clearly continuing what the Union government has been doing — protecting corporate interests, suppressing mass protests, and remaining silent in the face of individual protests.
Published Mar 19, 2025 | 9:00 AM ⚊ Updated Mar 19, 2025 | 9:00 AM
Pinarayi Vijayan and Narendra Modi.
Synopsis: Even while CPI(M) leaders are at odds in finalising the nature of the BJP-led Union government as having fascist, neo-fascist, or with neo-fascist characteristics, the Kerala government, led by the same party, is functioning along similar lines.
How should the nature of the regime, especially that in the Union government, be defined? Should it be called “fascism,” “neo-fascism,” or “neo-fascist characteristics”?
The leadership of the CPI(M) is reportedly in a dilemma regarding this, with news and commentaries circulating in the media.
Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, from the same party, seems to be attempting to take this debate to another level, perhaps through his policies, actions, and even his silence.
His government is clearly continuing what the Union government has been doing — protecting corporate interests, suppressing mass protests, and remaining silent in the face of individual protests.
Here is a typical case of a Maoist prisoner in the Viyyur Central Jail in Kerala named TR Roopesh. As one of the leaders of the CPI (Maoist) in Kerala, he, along with his partner PA Shyna and three others, was arrested in May 2015 in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu.
Over the last ten years, a total of 43 cases have been filed against him. Out of the 43 cases, he was acquitted in one as “not guilty” and discharged in 13 cases on technical grounds.
He was convicted in one case, but he should have been released with the prison remissions included in the sentence. However, the jail authorities or the government did not accord the due remissions. As the sentence was nearing completion, the state government unearthed an old case from eleven years ago to prevent his release.
Leave that deliberate attempt of the state government to prolong his incarceration aside, as the current discussion isn’t about that.
This is something else related to violating the right of a prisoner to get published.
Before going to jail, Roopesh was an accomplished poet and writer. Even while leading an underground life, he published his first novel, Vasandhathinte Poomarangal (Spring’s Flowering Trees), in 2013, which sparked a wide debate in Malayalam literary circles.
Roopesh, who holds a law degree, completed a post-graduate degree in history during his ten years of imprisonment and is now pursuing a post-graduate degree in philosophy. He has also done short-term courses in mobile repair, automobile repair, and baking.
He runs jail radio, has learned to make short films, and became a badminton player. Alongside all these, he wrote his second novel in jail. Titled Bandhitharude Ormakkurippukal (Memoirs of Prisoners), this novel has around 130 pages and deals with the life of a poet-political activist in prison.
Prison administration, according to the Constitution, is entirely under the responsibility of state governments and the Left government in Kerala, led by the CPI(M), cannot even shirk its responsibility. It has the constitutional authority to respect and grant permission for the publication of a prisoner’s work.
Supreme Court judgements, including those in State of Maharashtra v Prabhakar Pandurang (1966), Francis Coralie v Delhi Administration (1981), Madhukar Bhagwan Jambhale v State of Maharashtra (1987), and R Rajagopal v State of Tamil Nadu (1994), affirm that a prisoner has the right to publish his/her work.
However, despite Roopesh’s written application, the superintendent of Viyyur Central Jail in Thrissur did not provide an official response, even after a month.
The jail administration claimed to have forwarded the application to higher authorities (obviously the home department under the chief minister himself!) and was waiting for a reply.
However, he was orally told that permission would not be granted due to references to the jail, the UAPA [The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act], and the courts in the novel. Officially, the CPI(M) has been opposing the UAPA and one wonders why criticism of the draconian act would be objectionable.
Roopesh informed the authorities that if permission to publish his novel was not granted, he would begin an indefinite hunger strike on 2 March, the anniversary of the murder of student Rajan from Calicut Regional Engineering College during the Emergency.
However, heeding the advice of his friends, he reduced it to a one-day hunger strike. By that time, the DTP copy of the novel had been read by several prominent Malayalam literary figures, such as K Sachidanandan, Ashokan Charuvil, and NE Sudheer, who praised the novel’s artistic value and declared that preventing its publication was wrong on the part of the LDF government.
Under the title Creativity is not a Crime, there has been widespread social media and public campaign support, and open letters have been sent to the chief minister by several poets and writers.
Even though there are Supreme Court rulings stating that jail authorities and the government have no right to stop prisoners from publishing their writing, attempts to suppress this and the ongoing protests requesting permission indicate the governance of fascism, neo-fascism, or neo-fascist characters.
It is understandable if such actions are taken by a government displaying these traits, but it is surprising and tragic that a CPI(M)-led government is doing this.
Two more policies of the same government are also interesting in this context.
In Kerala, the majority of ASHA (Accredited Social Health Activists) staff has been on strike for thirty-six days as of Monday, 17 March 2025.
Their demands include being recognised as employees instead of volunteers since they are working eight hours a day as regular staff, an increase in the honorarium from ₹7,000 to ₹21,000 as promised by the ruling front in its election manifesto, along with the provision of post-retirement benefits.
While similar protests are happening in other states, even under the leadership of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), affiliated to the CPI (M), the Kerala government is refusing to even discuss these issues with the protestors as a union other than the CITU is spearheading the protest.
Kerala’s response to these protests mirrors the actions of other state governments in the country, with coercive measures being employed.
For example, ASHA workers who were staging a protest in the scorching sun in front of the Thiruvananthapuram Secretariat had their plastic tarpaulin to shield them from the heat, forcibly removed — a clear indication of coercive action.
The state government claims that the issue has arisen since the Union government has not released the necessary funds, while the latter claims the funds have been provided.
The aspirations of thousands of ASHA volunteers who provide essential medical and health services to the public have been caught in a political controversy.
Meanwhile, Vijayan is competing with the Prime Minister in praising the Gautam Adani group of companies which is seen as a close friend and beneficiary of the Union government that has “neo-fascist characteristics” and facing criticism both domestically and internationally for various irregularities.
As a return gift, at the recent ‘Invest Kerala Global Summit’ held by the state government in Kochi, Karan Adani showered praise on both Narendra Modi and Vijayan in the same breath.
What is fascism? What is neo-fascism? What are the characteristics of neo-fascism? After all! What is in a name?
(The writer is the editor of an independent, small Telugu monthly journal of society and political economy, running for the past 23 years. Views expressed here are personal. Edited by Muhammed Fazil.)
