The caste survey throws light, for the first time, on the strong representation of the country's backward classes, their numbers hitherto subjected to political guesswork
Bihar caste survey. (iStock)
On 7 August, 1990, VP Singh’s National Front government shocked the country’s social fabric into self-scrutiny by accepting the Mandal Commission’s recommendation for 27 percent reservations to “socially and educationally backward classes” for jobs in central services and public undertakings.
On a quiet Gandhi Jayanthi day 33 years later, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar fired a similar salvo — the data of the country’s first caste survey conducted in a state, in Bihar.
The data shows the Extremely Backward Classes (EBC) comprise 36.01 percent of the population, the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) 27.12 percent, and the general category 15.52 percent. The Scheduled Castes (SCs) make up 19.65 percent and Scheduled Tribess (STs) 1.68 percent. The Brahmins are not even 4 percent.
Within the OBCs, Yadavs constitute 14.26 percent of the surveyed population. The Kushwaha and Kurmi form 4.27 percent and 2.87 percent, respectively.
Incidentally, the survey becomes live data of socio-economic reality in Bihar. The enumerators took up the second phase of the survey by filling out an exhaustive questionnaire with 17-point socio-economic indicators.
The BJP-led Union government, which was so opposed to the caste survey that it even went to court, now faces a political litmus test before the 2024 general elections.
No political pundit, nobody, can any longer be vague about social freebies promised to the backward and extremely backward classes or take their support for granted.
The OBCs and EBCs, at least in Bihar, to begin with, would be aware of their numerical presence (or strength) for themselves. It is no longer guesswork.
The data alone empowers them to look for economic and social justice and, specifically, demand political equity. The data, in any case, also tells them about the numerical strength of the Savarnas, too.
The second phase of the caste survey gives them additional “protection” regarding a deeper socio-economic understanding of themselves. The lengthy questionnaire tells the story of the economic hierarchy of caste within and between castes.
At the economic level, the caste survey can help frame economic policies from general to targeted objectives. The government can also rationalise the distribution of social and welfare benefits and schemes.
In his long tenure as chief minister, Nitish Kumar had marshalled resources to conduct two more surveys. One was a survey by the Savarna (upper caste) Commission he constituted. He may reconstitute it again.
The other is a survey of the Dalits in Bihar to see that the “Maha Dalits” among them get a fairer share of economic equity.
These surveys certainly represent the post-Mandal phase of social justice in the country. In the South, the DMK and several other political parties had raised the demand for a caste survey at a DMK-convened conference on social justice in April.
The South understands the clamour in the North over the Bihar caste survey, having seen the social justice struggle grow from the womb of the anti-Brahmin movement all those decades ago.
Any fresh demand for caste surveys by other states can now help propagate the established Southern —Dravidian, as the Tamil Nadu parties call it — model of governance beyond the Vindhyas.
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