The MLC election results could significantly alter the state’s political dynamics, besides providing clarity on the internal challenges within the Congress, BRS and BJP.
Published Feb 27, 2025 | 8:09 PM ⚊ Updated Feb 27, 2025 | 8:09 PM
The BRS is not contesting the polls, while Chief Minister Revanth Reddy had to step in and set the Congress machinery rolling. The BJP started early and is expecting to reap dividends.
Synopsis: The MLC elections results on 3 March will be a litmus test for the Congress government in Telangana, as it will be considered a referendum on the Revanth Reddy dispensation. Despite being in power for the past 15 months, the party failed to avoid a delay in announcing its candidates. The BRS is staying away from the polls, apparently due to internal feuds, boosting the BJP’s confidence in pulling out a strong performance.
As summer temperatures rise in Telangana, the political landscape is also expected to get hotter.
The honeymoon period of the Congress government, which came to power 15 months ago, has ended. The upcoming elections for the Teachers’ and Graduates’ MLC (Member of Legislative Council) seats will serve as a litmus test for the ruling party’s performance.
The results of these elections could bring significant shifts in the state’s political dynamics, while also providing clarity on the internal challenges within the Congress, Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS), and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
Six years ago, when the Congress was in opposition, senior leader Jeevan Reddy secured a massive victory in the Graduates’ MLC elections from the Karimnagar, Nizamabad, Adilabad, and Medak districts. That election marked the beginning of BRS’s decline in the state.
However, this time, Jeevan Reddy is not contesting, and for the ruling Congress, winning this seat has become crucial. A loss here could send negative signals to the public. Since this constituency includes Nizamabad, the home district of Telangana Pradesh Congress Committee (TPCC) President Mahesh Kumar Goud, the election is a major challenge for both him and the party.
Despite the high stakes, Congress appears to have entered the race without adequate preparation.
This Graduates’ constituency comprises 42 Assembly segments across four erstwhile districts. In the previous Assembly elections, the Congress won 19 out of these 42 segments. However, by the time the Lok Sabha elections arrived, the party had already weakened, suffering losses in the Karimnagar, Nizamabad, Adilabad, and Medak parliamentary constituencies, while managing to win only Zaheerabad and Peddapalli.
The Congress leadership failed to analyse why the party had weakened in these regions within just six months. Additionally, the undivided Adilabad and Nizamabad districts, which fall under this MLC constituency, do not have any Congress ministers, and unemployed youth who had high expectations from the Congress government are now disillusioned due to the lack of visible change. These factors are likely to be reflected in the MLC election results.
Despite being in power and having access to government resources, the Congress delayed announcing its candidate until the last minute, exposing its lack of planning. Key leaders, including TPCC President Mahesh Kumar Goud, spent time on foreign tours even as elections approached.
Apart from filing nominations, senior Congress leaders did little to campaign seriously. Even with political strategists like Sunil Kanugolu and an intelligence network at its disposal, the Congress failed to assess the ground realities in advance. Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy’s last-minute initiative to conduct meetings for the MLC elections is a rare occurrence and could ultimately harm the party.
Unlike previous elections, where Congress leadership rarely intervened directly, the chief minister’s involvement this time might turn into a self-goal. His public statement that losing the MLC election would not have a major impact on the party sent a message of surrender even before the results were out.
Additionally, while the BJP is putting up a strong fight in these elections, Revanth Reddy’s recent meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi could be seen as a strategic blunder.
If Congress loses this election, dissent within the party will gather more steam. While such dissatisfaction may temporarily subside, it could cause long-term damage. If Congress, like the YSR Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh, assumes that graduates are not its primary voters, it risks further alienation.
Although youth play a crucial role as voters in the Graduates’ MLC elections, affiliated organisations like the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) and Youth Congress failed to mobilise effectively due to internal coordination issues. This lack of grassroots engagement could prove costly for the party.
At a time when Congress should have united to take the election seriously, there are murmurs within the party that certain key leaders acted as covert operatives working against it. If the MLC election results turn unfavorable for Congress, questions will arise over who should take responsibility—the chief minister, the TPCC president, or the in-charge ministers.
Before the MLC elections, BRS seemed to have a favorable political climate, as public discontent and unemployment-related frustrations were directed at the Congress government.
However, BRS’s decision not to contest this election may prove to be a strategic miscalculation. In this Graduates’ constituency, BRS had 16 MLAs elected in the last Assembly elections, yet the party failed to win a single MP seat in the subsequent Lok Sabha elections.
Karimnagar, historically, a stronghold of BRS, was where the Telangana movement was spearheaded and where KCR was even arrested during the agitation. Given this legacy, BRS’s decision to stay away from the contest raises serious questions about its credibility.
When KCR recently visited the party office after a long absence, he spoke about the party’s 25-year celebrations but failed to mention the MLC elections. Moreover, BRS did not guide its voters on whom to support in this election. If the BJP secures victory here, the perception that it is growing stronger will further weaken BRS’s standing.
Internal conflicts within BRS are also likely to become more evident post-election. If mass leader T Harish Rao continues to be sidelined, the BJP may exploit this vacuum in the upcoming local body elections.
After BRS’s 2018 victory, Harish Rao was initially denied a ministerial post, and even when he was given one later, he was not accorded significant prominence. This sidelining had an impact on the 2023 elections. If he is not given due recognition even in the opposition, BRS might suffer permanent setbacks, as noted by its party workers.
Meanwhile, KCR’s daughter, K Kavitha, appears to be running her faction within BRS. Her independent stance on various issues, lack of a coherent strategy, and KCR’s inability to rein her in have raised eyebrows.
Additionally, tensions between Kavitha and KTR have led to growing doubts within the party. While KTR is known for his articulate speeches, his perceived arrogance continues to alienate people. The perception that he does not engage inclusively with others is damaging BRS’s public image. Amid these internal divisions, speculation is rife that BRS stayed away from the MLC elections precisely because of its internal turmoil.
With the political temperature rising in Telangana, these elections could serve as a major turning point. For Congress, a loss could trigger internal dissent and long-term setbacks. For BRS, the election highlights its strategic missteps and internal conflicts, which could be further exploited by opposition parties.
The BJP, on the other hand, has an opportunity to establish a stronger foothold in Telangana politics. As the results unfold, the state’s political landscape may undergo a significant transformation, setting the stage for intense electoral battles shortly.
(G Murali Krishna is a Senior Researcher at People’s Pulse Research Organisation. Views are personal. Edited by Majnu Babu).
