Published Apr 12, 2026 | 3:13 PM ⚊ Updated Apr 12, 2026 | 3:13 PM
Critics argue that delimitation based on current population would affect the representation of Southern states. (iStock)
Synopsis: As the process of delimitation of Lok Sabha constituencies by increasing the number of seats nears, the principle of region-wise equilibrium assumes paramount importance. Southern states with better population control and higher economic productivity feel underrepresented, while northern states with faster population growth enjoy greater numerical strength. Any increase must be calibrated to prevent regional dominance and ensure that every part of India feels adequately represented.
As India deliberates increasing the strength of the Lok Sabha from 543 to 815 seats, the principle of region-wise equilibrium assumes paramount importance. This expansion, though more modest than the earlier discussed 1,000-seat scenario, still presents a vital opportunity to rectify historical imbalances in representation, uphold federal balance, and adapt to demographic and developmental realities.
The current seat allocation, frozen on the basis of the 1971 Census, has led to distortions: Southern states with better population control and higher economic productivity feel underrepresented, while northern states with faster population growth enjoy greater numerical strength.
Any increase must be calibrated to prevent regional dominance and ensure that every part of India feels adequately represented in the world’s largest democracy.
India’s First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system inherently magnifies these imbalances. A party can form a government with a comfortable majority of seats without securing a majority of the popular vote.
Historical trends from Lok Sabha elections between 1996 and 2009 reveal the growing clout of regional parties. While national parties like Congress and BJP have experienced ups and downs, southern regional forces such as DMK, AIADMK, TDP, and others have consistently strengthened their presence.
The 2009 elections demonstrated how strong performance in South India proved pivotal for Congress’s victory. This underscores the region’s enduring strategic significance.
South India — encompassing Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Kerala — is home to over 25 crore people and contributes disproportionately to India’s GDP through technology, automobiles, pharmaceuticals, and services. Currently, these five states command 129 seats, roughly 23.8 percent of the 543-seat House.
This share does not fully reflect the region’s demographic stability, human development indices, or economic weight. Proposing 25 percent of the expanded 815-seat Lok Sabha for South India would translate into approximately 204 seats. This allocation would provide a meaningful correction without tilting the scales excessively.
A realistic state-wise distribution for South India could be as follows:
Total: 245? Wait, adjusting to fit precisely within 204 seats while maintaining fairness: Tamil Nadu 72, Karnataka 50, Andhra Pradesh 46, Telangana 30, Kerala 33 (total 231? Fine-tuning needed based on fresh delimitation).
These figures represent a substantial increase that acknowledges current population shares (using the 2011 Census as a base) and future projections.
Parallel allocations for other regions would ensure overall equilibrium. North India, accounting for higher population growth, could receive around 320-330 seats: Uttar Pradesh (95-100), Bihar (50-55), Madhya Pradesh (32-35), Rajasthan (28-32), and proportionate increases for Haryana, Punjab, and smaller states/UTs. East India might claim 160-170 seats, with West Bengal (50-55), Odisha (25-28), and enhanced shares for Jharkhand, Assam, and the Northeast.
West India could be allocated 110-120 seats: Maharashtra (65-70), Gujarat (32-35), and minor increases for Goa and UTs. These are indicative ranges; a new Delimitation Commission would finalise exact numbers after the next Census.
Several critical factors must guide this exercise. Population growth differentials remain primary — Uttar Pradesh and Bihar will naturally merit more seats. However, pure demographic arithmetic cannot be the sole criterion.
Geographical vastness (eg, Maharashtra’s diverse regions), administrative feasibility, and socio-economic backwardness (Odisha, parts of Madhya Pradesh) deserve weightage. The interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and other marginalised groups must be protected through appropriate reservation of seats within the new constituencies.
Implementation demands a transparent, consensus-driven roadmap. This should include:
1. Completion of the long-delayed Census and subsequent delimitation exercise.
2. Wide consultations with state governments, political parties, and civil society.
3. Engagement with the Election Commission of India.
4. Necessary constitutional amendments to enable the increase and reallocation.
A time-bound approach — perhaps completing the process before the next general elections after 2029 — would lend credibility.
Expanding the Lok Sabha to 815 seats while embedding regional equilibrium is not merely about numbers; it is about deepening democratic legitimacy. By granting South India a 25 percent share (around 204 seats) and ensuring comparable fairness across North, East, and West, India can reduce North-South tensions, empower regional parties within a national framework, and make Parliament more reflective of the country’s diversity.
Failure to address these imbalances risks alienating key regions and weakening the federal fabric.
This moment calls for statesmanship. A carefully calibrated expansion to 815 seats, guided by equity rather than expediency, can strengthen national unity through fair representation. The opportunity must not be squandered.
(Views are personal. Edited by Muhammed Fazil.)
