The advocacy for BCs is gaining strength both inside and outside the Congress. The party is effectively conveying the message that the BJP and BRS are hindering its decisions aimed at uplifting weaker sections in Telangana, with the next goal being to foster renewed trust among BCs.
Published Aug 17, 2025 | 6:00 PM ⚊ Updated Aug 17, 2025 | 6:00 PM
The Congress party has ignited BC advocacy from the streets to Delhi, escalating the heat with a massive dharna at Jantar Mantar.
Synopsis: Granting Deputy Chief Minister position to a member of the BC community will not significantly disrupt governance. It will immensely boost self-confidence among BCs and deepen their faith in the Congress—this is a prevailing argument. Whether it’s the Chief Minister or Deputy Chief Minister role, regional parties dominated by family dynasties rarely offer such positions to BCs, whereas national parties like Congress and BJP make it feasible, a belief strongly held by weaker sections.
Has the Congress, which has shouldered the cause of Backward Classes (BCs), taken another step forward with its ‘Kamareddy Declaration’? This is now the central topic of discussion among the BC communities, who constitute the largest demographic segment in Telangana.
Following the caste census and the increase in reservations, BC groups believe that granting a Deputy Chief Minister position to a BC leader would represent a significant stride toward political empowerment. Their conviction is that true justice for backward communities will only be achieved when a BC individual eventually ascends to the Chief Minister’s post, even if not immediately.
The Congress, which has been lambasting the BJP and BRS for obstructing benefits intended for BCs, asserts that such advancements are possible only within its fold. To instill greater confidence among BCs, the party high command also recognises the need for a firm decision.
Although laws and ordinances have been introduced for the caste census and reservation enhancements, legal and constitutional hurdles persist. Therefore, by implementing 42% reservations within the party and offering the Deputy Chief Minister post, it would provide strong assurance, sparking an optimistic discourse within BC circles. From ministerial levels down to mandal leaders, this is the dominant conversation in internal meetings.
The advocacy for BCs is gaining strength both inside and outside the Congress. The party is effectively conveying the message that the BJP and BRS are hindering its decisions aimed at uplifting weaker sections in Telangana, with the next goal being to foster renewed trust among BCs.
To this end, there is a growing demand within backward communities for the government—led by the party in the state—to appoint a BC as Deputy Chief Minister, as it would mark a substantial step forward. While there have been one or two announcements, open demands have not surged, but internal discussions are centered on this very issue.
Granting Deputy Chief Minister position would not significantly disrupt governance, yet it would immensely boost self-confidence among BCs and deepen their faith in the Congress—this is a prevailing argument. Whether it’s the Chief Minister or Deputy Chief Minister role, regional parties dominated by family dynasties rarely offer such positions to BCs, whereas national parties like Congress and BJP make it feasible, a belief strongly held by weaker sections.
Leveraging this, criticisms have persisted against regional parties from the era of NT Rama Rao (Telugu Desam) to the present regime of Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (BRS). The Congress has consistently claimed that such possibilities exist only in its party. Meanwhile, the BJP went so far as to declare during the 2023 Assembly elections that it would appoint a BC as Chief Minister if it came to power.
Even though veteran leaders like Kasu Brahmananda Reddy once mocked the Deputy Chief Minister post as an ‘extra finger’ with no constitutional mention, its demand and recognition are far from negligible! In the undivided Andhra Pradesh, the position was bestowed multiple times to balance social and regional aspirations.
During Kasu’s tenure as the Chief Minister, it went to KV Ranga Reddy; under PV Narasimha Rao, to C Jagannatha Rao; under Kotla Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy, to Koneru Ranga Rao; under Kiran Kumar Reddy, to Damodar Rajanarasimha; and in the current Chief Minister Revanth Reddy’s administration, to Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka.
While all these occurred under Congress governments, the Deputy Chief Minister post for BCs has been rare (only once)! In Telangana’s first Chief Minister KCR’s regime, Thatikonda Rajayya, Kadiyam Srihari, and Mahmood Ali also served as Deputy Chief Ministers.
Post-bifurcation, in residual Andhra Pradesh under then-Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu (2014-19), KE Krishnamurthy and Chinna Rajappa received Deputy Chief Minister positions. In YS Jaganmohan Reddy’s tenure (2019-24), five Deputy Chief Ministers represented various social groups.
In Andhra Pradesh, where Kapus form a strong social bloc, the long-standing aspiration is for a Kapu Chief Minister. During Jagan’s rule, Alla Nani and Kottu Satyanarayana, and currently under Chandrababu-2 (2024-29), Pawan Kalyan (Jana Sena), securing the Deputy Chief Minister post, are seen by that community as a forward step in their political empowerment journey. Their faith is that the Deputy Chief Minister role paves the way for eventually attaining the Chief Minister position.
A similar aspiration has long existed among BCs in Telangana. Despite prominent BC leaders like Shivasankar, Balagoud, V Hanumantha Rao, Manik Rao, Vithal Rao, D Srinivas, and K Keshava Rao over the decades, none received the Deputy Chief Minister post.
During Narasimha Rao’s time as Chief Minister, Jagannatha Rao briefly held it. Except for Anjaiah, no other BC leader has become the state’s Chief Minister. Even Anjaiah was often regarded as only half a Reddy leader rather than a full BC representative. Whenever opportunities arise, BC leaders now speak about political power and the Chief Minister’s post. The latest discussion revolves around granting at least the Deputy Chief Minister position immediately.
Why has BC advocacy become such a hot topic in political circles? The answer is straightforward! BCs comprise over 56% of the state’s population, and in contemporary democracy—especially vote-bank politics—majority communities naturally receive priority. With growing social awareness, parties realise that failing to appease them could lead to political setbacks. This is why the Congress accords such importance to its ‘Kamareddy Declaration.’
On 9 November 2023, in Kamareddy, in the presence of party leaders like Siddaramaiah and Manik Thakur, the party promised to conduct a caste census upon coming to power and raise BC reservations to 42%.
Accordingly, it conducted the census, enacted a law to increase BC reservations to 42%, and issued an ordinance to remove the reservation cap. However, without approvals from the Centre and the Governor, implementation remains stalled.
To overcome these legislative and legal barriers in the interim, the party has broadly decided to enforce 42% internal reservations. This matter will be discussed extensively in the upcoming Political Affairs Committee (PAC) meeting next week, leading to a final decision.
Some BC leaders reportedly plan to raise the issue of the Deputy Chief Minister for BCs in that meeting. They argue that granting the post would foster new trust among BCs. As a result, it would not only ensure dominance in local elections but also secure long-term loyalty from these communities to the party—this discourse is ongoing inside and outside the Congress.
Although the party state president post has gone to BCs multiple times, the Chief Minister position has eluded them. Granting Deputy Chief Minister would provide some relief and mark a milestone on the path to political power, say BC leaders.
The Congress has ignited BC advocacy from the streets to Delhi, escalating the heat with a massive dharna at Jantar Mantar. Inevitably, this has stirred reactions in other parties. On one hand, the BJP-led central government has stalled the state’s proposed law, and on the other, the Governor has blocked the ordinance, prompting Congress to argue that the BJP is suppressing BC interests, forcing the latter into a defensive posture.
In reality, before the last elections, the BJP announced a BC Chief Minister for Telangana. It also prioritised BCs in its ‘M-Three’ (Mudiraj, Munnuru Kapu, Madiga) formula. Congress BC advocates counter that if a party that couldn’t field strong candidates in 119 constituencies—where most lost deposits—could promise a CM post, what harm is there for the Congress, which holds all power, to grant a Deputy CM position?
Regarding the reservation increase law and ordinance, the BRS leadership initially opposed its own Telangana Jagriti leader, Kalvakuntla Kavitha, but eventually followed suit. Though postponed due to the rains, the party is now preparing for a BC conference in Karimnagar, aiming to convince those communities that it is not against reservation enhancements.
The BC advocacy, which has ascended the political stage with unprecedented intensity, is being keenly observed by other social groups in Telangana to see what further steps it takes toward achieving political power.
(R Dileep Reddy is a Political Analyst and Director, People’s Pulse Research organization. Views are personal. Edited by Majnu Babu).
