The Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilisers planned to supply 8.3 lakh tonnes of urea for this Kharif season, but in reality, only 5.6 lakh tonnes were supplied.
Published Sep 05, 2025 | 9:00 AM ⚊ Updated Sep 05, 2025 | 9:00 AM
Political parties are using the real problem, arising out of urea shortage, for their own advantage, making the whole situation even more complicated.
Synopsis: There is still about a month left to avert the urea crisis. Political parties and state/central governments can, even now, set aside mutual accusations and diversion, and take practical measures. If there is genuine love for Telangana and concern for farmers, all political parties can together press the central government to ensure the promised urea supply reaches Telangana.
The whole of Telangana is in turmoil due to a shortage of urea, a veritable crisis. On one hand, in many districts, untimely rains and floods are severely disrupting agricultural work; on the other, the state government’s failure to make urea available for the Kharif paddy crop is putting the farming community to great difficulties.
The authority to determine the urea quota for each state, and when — long before the start of Kharif — rests with the Union Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilisers, which does it in coordination with the Ministry of Agriculture, based on information received from state governments.
Therefore, while both the state and central governments bear responsibility for the present crisis, the central government’s accountability is significantly higher than the state’s. Both governments, as well as the Congress and the BJP, have already been blaming each other for the crisis.
Meanwhile, statistics show that urea consumption in Telangana is higher than necessary, and therefore, a certain portion of the responsibility for the present crisis lies with the farming community as well. Within this triangle of state government, central government, farmers, and intermediaries, black-marketeers, and dealers who divert urea meant for agriculture to other uses, also play a role.
Adding to this already complex scenario, political parties have inserted themselves, using the real problem for their own advantage, making the whole situation even more complicated.
The hardships faced by farmers due to urea shortage are visible at primary agricultural cooperative societies: Over the past two to three weeks, farmers have been placing chappals, ration cards, Aadhaar cards, and passbooks to secure their place in the long-winding queues – all of which have appeared on media and social platforms.
There is no doubt that the urea shortage is a real problem. Yet alongside this reality, there is also an artificial shortage created by government policies, officials, and middlemen.
The urea shortage serves as a textbook example of how even the most ordinary things in our society become complex, and how gaps in the supply chain end up harming the end users.
Farmers, especially in Telangana, hold the belief that higher paddy yields require more urea usage. From 20 days after transplantation up to 40 days, urea use suddenly increases during the two weeding applications. According to one estimate, the average urea consumption nationwide is 100–120 kg per acre, whereas in Telangana it is 170 kg per acre.
While excessive urea use is one reason for higher demand, the agriculture department has failed to regulate and reduce usage in a way acceptable to farmers, causing urea demand to continue rising. Adding to this, the area under paddy cultivation this year has suddenly increased drastically compared to last year: From 32 lakh acres in Kharif 2024 to 55 lakh acres in Kharif 2025.
Accordingly, the estimated urea requirement for this Kharif is 10.48 lakh tonnes.
The Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilisers planned to supply 8.3 lakh tonnes for this Kharif season (April–September, though actual use in Telangana begins only at the end of June), but in reality, only 5.6 lakh tonnes were supplied. This means the supply was five lakh tonnes less than required, and two lakh tonnes less than what the central government itself had promised to provide.
The central government claims that the state already had two lakh tonnes of urea stocks before Kharif began, and that the state government’s inefficiency and mismanagement are the cause of the artificial shortage. On the other hand, the state government argues that the crisis arose because the central government supplied less than what was asked for and promised.
Other factors contributing to the urea crisis include public sector fertiliser units failing to produce sufficient quantities, private factories reducing or stopping production, and India’s dependence on imports, particularly from China, for urea.
Additionally, the NDA government at the Centre has allegedly exercised federal bias, favouring some state governments over others.
Even if the urea supply was limited, the problem is worsened by diversion of urea meant for agriculture to other industrial uses, such as chemicals, plywood, and cattle feed (there are suspicions and allegations that urea is also used in milk production), by black-market sales, and by hoarders with political or economic clout. These practices artificially increase scarcity and push up prices.
In reality, urea should be sold at the subsidised price of ₹266.50 per bag, and all sales should be recorded at the Point of Sale (PoS). Yet due to official negligence and illegal activities, urea is being sold on the black market for ₹350–400 per bag.
All these problems are severely affecting farmers. The fear that the paddy crop will change colour if delayed, and the fear that insufficient urea will reduce yields, make agriculture feel like a gamble. For the farmer, getting urea on time at the cooperative society and standing in a long, laborious queue has become a matter of survival.
Consequently, farmers’ anxiety and anger are rising sharply, with reports of unrest in Mahabubabad, Medak, Gadwal, Sircilla, and Nalgonda districts.
In some places, the Bharath Rashtra Samiti (BRS) leadership has attempted to use the issue for its political advantage by planning protests in districts and in front of the Agriculture Department office and the Secretariat in the capital. It is, of course, commendable that the opposition is working on a real public issue.
In fact, the urea shortage has been a gift for the BRS, since on other issues, such as ethanol, mines, sand, or unemployment, questions were raised: “What did you do while in power? Did you sow the seeds for this problem?”
But in Telangana, comparable urea shortages occurred in 2007 and 2011, before the state’s formation, and only once after formation, in 2015 during the TRS (now renamed BRS) rule, which was resolved through a subsidy price revision. Hence, BRS can approach the current crisis without political handicap.
However, even that opportunity seems to have been squandered by BRS leaders, notably KT Rama Rao, whose absurd remark during the Vice-President election process linked support for the opposition candidate, Justice B Sudarshan Reddy, to a promise of supplying two lakh tonnes of urea.
He said that the party is not aligned to the NDA and the INDIA bloc, adding, “whoever supplies urea, that’s the vote we’ll cast,” a nonsensical statement with no connection between urea and the Vice-President election. In reality, Justice B. Sudarshan Reddy has no control over urea supply, which is solely under the central government’s purview.
KTR’s remark essentially confirmed that their votes would go to the NDA candidate anyway. Considering circulating rumours of a BRS collusion with the BJP, his comment reflects reality.
There is still about a month left to avert the urea crisis. Political parties and state/central governments can, even now, set aside mutual accusations and diversion, and take practical measures. If there is genuine love for Telangana and concern for farmers, all political parties can together press the central government to ensure the promised urea supply reaches Telangana.
If domestic production is insufficient, imports should be expedited and urea routed directly to district godowns and cooperative societies without leakages. The Ramagundam Fertilisers and Chemicals factory, in which the government of Telangana has a stake, must be checked — news indicates that out of 145 days, it worked only 78 days — and production should be increased.
If there is genuine concern for Telangana agriculture and its farmers, these are not empty slogans, but concrete steps that can still be taken.
(Views are personal. Edited by Majnu Babu).
