KCR, the architect of Telangana and BRS’s towering leader, is both the party’s greatest asset and its current liability. His authoritarian style, effective during the movement and in power, has proven detrimental in Opposition.
Published May 09, 2025 | 11:01 AM ⚊ Updated May 09, 2025 | 11:01 AM
KCR addressing BRS leaders and cadre. (X)
Synopsis: The silver jubilee event laid bare the fissures within BRS. To survive, the BRS must address its internal and external challenges urgently. KCR should foster unity among KTR, Harish Rao, and Kavitha, leveraging their complementary strengths.
The BRS, once a formidable force in Telangana’s political landscape, is grappling with an existential crisis. During the Telangana movement, BRS displayed unparalleled zeal, encapsulated in its resolute mantra, “We will not yield.”
This vigour persisted through its decade-long rule (2014–2023), despite occasional missteps. However, since losing power in the 2023 Assembly elections, the party’s dynamism has waned, replaced by internal discord and strategic inertia.
The recent silver jubilee public meeting in Hanmakonda has intensified discussions about factionalism — or “musala” — within BRS, with a “fourth piece” in this power struggle adding complexity.
If unchecked, these internal rifts could jeopardise BRS’s survival. Amid these challenges, the party’s legacy and grassroots support offer a glimmer of hope for revival, provided it navigates the turbulent political landscape astutely.
The silver jubilee event in Elkathurthy in the Hanmakonda district laid bare the fissures within BRS. Initially, former minister T Harish Rao was tasked with organising the event. However, Working President KT Rama Rao (KTR) was later brought to the forefront.
Promotional materials and banners featured only K Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) and KTR, excluding Harish Rao and MLC K Kavitha. This fuelled perceptions that KCR was endorsing KTR as his successor, sidelining other key leaders.
A more inclusive approach — displaying images of Harish Rao and Kavitha — could have projected unity. Instead, the event signalled that KCR might be fostering competition among the trio, a perception reinforced by subsequent developments.
The rivalry among KTR, Harish Rao, and Kavitha is not new. They compete like students vying for top rank, leveraging social media to amplify their influence.
On X, KTR commands 4.6 million followers, Harish Rao 1.4 million, and Kavitha 1.3 million. They critique the Congress government’s lapses through daily social media posts, videos and press conferences, supported by dedicated YouTube channels and journalist circles.
However, their actions often appear driven by personal ambition rather than party loyalty. While such competition was subdued during the Telangana movement and BRS’s time in power, the Hanmakonda event brought these tensions into the open, undermining the party’s cohesion.
Kavitha’s trajectory after her release from jail in the alleged Delhi liquor policy scam is particularly telling. Contrary to expectations of reticence, she has returned to the public arena with vigour, leveraging her role in the Telangana movement through Telangana Jagruthi.
Her fierce protests against the Congress government’s decision to alter the Telangana Talli statue underscored her commitment, yet she faced a lack of support from KCR and the BRS cadre.
This isolation was evident when her efforts to rally Backward Classes (BCs) under the Phule banner were overshadowed by KTR’s simultaneous press meets, leading her to suspect KCR’s orchestration.
Kavitha’s recent speeches, such as her remark, “We have achieved geographical Telangana, but social Telangana is yet to come,” have been interpreted as veiled criticism of KCR, possibly fueled by his lukewarm support during her legal battles.
KCR, the architect of Telangana and BRS’s towering leader, is both the party’s greatest asset and its current liability. His authoritarian style, effective during the movement and in power, has proven detrimental in Opposition.
After BRS’s 2018 Assembly victory (88 seats), KCR’s overconfidence led to unilateral decisions, such as taking the oath alone and excluding Harish Rao from the cabinet while appointing KTR as the party’s working president.
These moves signalled the intent to portray KTR as his heir and exposed KCR’s dictatorial tendencies.
His expulsion of senior leader Eatala Rajender, a key figure in the Telangana movement, and other strong leaders like Ponguleti Srinivasa Reddy and Thummala Nageswara Rao before the 2023 elections alienated the cadre and eroded public support.
KCR’s attitude of “I brought Telangana, so I’ll rule forever” stifled internal democracy, contributing to BRS’s electoral decline.
BRS’s electoral fortunes have plummeted since 2018. The 2019 Lok Sabha elections saw its seats drop from 11 to nine, reflecting public resentment against KCR’s arrogance.
The 2023 Assembly elections reduced BRS to 39 seats, and the 2024 Lok Sabha elections were a nadir, with zero seats won and the vote share crashing from 41.29 percent to 16.68 percent (Election Commission of India).
By-elections in Dubbaka, Huzurabad, and Cantonment were lost, despite favourable conditions in the latter. BRS’s decision to abstain from contesting recent MLC elections for graduates and teachers handed an advantage to the BJP.
Poor candidate choices, such as Ranjith Reddy and Kadiyam Kavya, who defected to Congress, and KCR’s inexplicable decision to contest Kamareddy (where he lost), highlight strategic failures.
The dissolution of state and district committees post-2023, without reconstitution, has weakened BRS’s organisational network, leaving it reliant on former MLAs and fuelling cadre discontent.
The “fourth piece” and external influences
The article’s reference to a “fourth piece” in BRS’s factional struggle points to external influences and KCR’s inner circle.
Some aides are reportedly portraying KCR as frail — evident in visuals of him appearing weak while boarding a helicopter during the jubilee event — to consolidate power in his name.
This mirrors the 1994 TDP rebellion, where Lakshmi Parvathi’s portrayal of NT Rama Rao as weak triggered a split.
Such tactics are fuelling suspicions among the cadre that KCR is encouraging rivalry among KTR, Harish Rao, and Kavitha to maintain control, a strategy that risks backfiring.
BRS’s internal woes are compounded by external challenges. The ruling Congress, under Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy, has faced criticism for unfulfilled promises, such as the six guarantees, and governance lapses, including delays in farmer loan waivers.
However, Congress is aggressively wooing Backward Class (BC) voters through caste surveys and reservation promises, directly competing with BRS’s traditional base.
The BJP, positioning itself as Congress’s primary alternative, is consolidating BC communities like Munnuru Kapu, Mudiraj, and Madiga under its “3M formula”.
Its eight Lok Sabha seats in 2024 and growing urban support signal a rising threat. BRS’s failure to capitalise on Congress’s weaknesses — due to its own disarray — has allowed the BJP to encroach on its voter base, particularly in northern Telangana.
History offers cautionary tales for BRS. The Mahabharata’s Kurukshetra war began with familial disputes, and in Andhra Pradesh, YSRCP’s electoral losses in 2024 were exacerbated by familial conflicts involving YS Jagan Mohan Reddy and YS Sharmila — who was appointed the chief of the state unit of Congress.
If Kavitha or Harish Rao were to exit BRS, they might not gain personally, but the party would suffer irreparable damage.
KCR, a voracious reader, must heed these lessons and resolve internal differences to prevent a similar fate.
Despite its challenges, BRS retains significant strengths. Its role in achieving Telangana and implementing schemes like Rythu Bandhu and Mission Bhagiratha has left a lasting legacy.
The party’s cadre, though demoralised, remains loyal in rural strongholds like Medak and Siddipet. KTR’s urban appeal, Harish Rao’s grassroots connect, and Kavitha’s cultural initiatives (eg, globalising Bathukamma) offer a potent combination if harnessed collectively.
BRS’s regional identity, rooted in Telangana pride, continues to resonate, unlike the national parties’ broader agendas.
Recent analyses suggest that BRS’s vote share, though reduced, remains competitive in Assembly segments, indicating potential for recovery.
To survive, the BRS must address its internal and external challenges urgently. KCR should foster unity among KTR, Harish Rao, and Kavitha, leveraging their complementary strengths.
Reconstituting state and district committees and nurturing new leadership beyond former MLAs can revitalise the grassroots network. Strategically, BRS must reposition itself as a credible Opposition by highlighting the Congress’s governance failures while countering the BJP’s BC outreach with inclusive policies.
Engaging actively in the upcoming local body elections is critical to rebuilding momentum. KCR’s absence from the Assembly and decision to operate from his farmhouse rather than Telangana Bhavan have tarnished his image; resuming legislative participation and transparent leadership can restore credibility.
The absence of a legislative party executive and unclear command structure must be addressed to streamline opposition efforts.
Currently, the BRS stands at a crossroads. Its internal strife, fuelled by KCR’s leadership style and the trio’s rivalry, threatens to fracture the party. External pressures from a resurgent BJP and a tactically adept Congress further imperil its relevance.
Yet, BRS’s legacy, cadre loyalty, and regional identity offer a foundation for revival. The silver jubilee event’s success, despite its controversies, demonstrates the party’s enduring appeal.
If KCR resolves the factional struggle, rebuilds the organisational structure, and presents a united front, BRS can reclaim its position as Telangana’s preeminent political force. Failure to act, however, risks reducing the pink brigade to a footnote in the state’s history.
(Views are personal. Edited by Muhammed Fazil.)
