An elite group, that wields political power and influence, runs several education institutions; has little to gain from reservation as government jobs shrink
Published Dec 18, 2024 | 12:00 PM ⚊ Updated Dec 23, 2024 | 1:20 PM
Pic for representation only. (South First)
The Panchamasali sub-sect, the largest group within the Lingayats, has been in protest mode, demanding 2A reservation and inclusion under the Other Backward Classes (OBC) category.
Lingayats are currently entitled to reservation under category 3B, which offers a five percent quota; the 2A category would entitle them to 15 percent reservation.
Commentators have noted that reservations were introduced in the Constitution to uplift groups that have suffered historical disadvantages and remained socially, politically, and educationally backward.
The Panchamasali community has no such history of oppression or disadvantage, and the demand for reservation, thus, challenges the core Constitutional objective of addressing historical disadvantages.
In recent years, there has been considerable growth in the demand for reservation from various communities in Karnataka, including Lingayats and Vokkaligas. There are also calls for internal reservation within groups like the Scheduled Castes.
The demand for internal reservation within the Scheduled Castes has been a long-standing one, particularly for those who have not received adequate representation. This demand is widely seen as legitimate.
On the other hand, the Lingayat Panchamasali community’s call for OBC status and 2A reservation raises questions about their social, educational, economic, employment, and political standing.
The Panchamasali community and 42 subcastes, currently protesting, are already benefiting under the 3B reservation category, which allocates 5 percent reservation.
Vokkaligas and other communities fall under the 3A reservation category, which provides 4 percent reservation.
Leaked data from the recent socio-economic and education survey report of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes showed that the SCs are 19.5 percent, STs are 7.82 percent, Muslims are 16 percent, Lingayats are 14 percent, Vokkaligas are 11 percent, OBCs account to 20 percent and Brahmins are 6.8 percent in Karnataka.
Social discrimination, including untouchability, remains a harsh reality for Dalits and certain OBC communities, even 77 years after Independence.
Practices like exclusion from temples, the use of separate utensils at hotels and tea shops for oppressed classes, and various forms of segregation are still prevalent, especially in rural areas.
Some backward communities, such as Kurubas and Valmikis, continue to face such challenges.
However, these discriminatory practices are not typically directed at elite groups, including Lingayats, Vokkaligas, and Brahmins.
Furthermore, the restriction on land and property ownership that once existed for oppressed classes has largely been lifted, allowing them greater access to resources once controlled by dominant castes in villages.
Political Analyst Harish Ramaswamy said, “In terms of positioning, the Lingayat community is socio-politically and economically well off. They are already benefiting from the 2A reservation. The elite within any community, including Lingayats, typically reap the benefits of reservation.”
“It’s the lower strata which does not receive proper support. The reservation system is intended to uplift these individuals. However, in most communities, including SC/ST, the educated, socially aware, and more prominent members gain the most from reservation,” he said.
“Panchamasalis are not fully benefiting from the reservation. The competition within the Panchamasali sub-group is growing. Looking at the number of educational institutions, political influence, and other factors — the Panchamasalis are leading.”
“Yet, these advantages are not trickling down. This is one reason why they are protesting. While they are receiving reservation benefits, they are raising the issue of OBC status,” he said.
“Once they are moved to the OBC category, other underrepresented communities will be negatively impacted. This has already sparked opposition from other backward classes, such as the Kurubas, who are not benefitting in the same way. If this demand is approved, it will lead to further dissatisfaction,” the analyst told South First.
Asked whether the Lingayats are facing any discrimination, he replied: “Not that I know of. They have in fact organised themselves as an independent caste with mutts to give them identity and recognition.”
“No sub-sect has any such problem though converts or Deekshadaris from lower communities may have faced it among themselves. But Lingayat as a community is free from the practice of untouchability,” he pointed out.
Barring three to four districts in North and Central Karnataka, most districts in the state are home to educational institutions predominantly managed by political leaders or mutts belonging to the Lingayat and Vokkaliga communities.
These institutions are playing a significant role in providing access to education for not just their respective communities but across divides of religion, caste, and community. Some of these institutions are now several decades old, and offer education at affordable cost.
Karnataka Lingayat Education Society (KLE) in Belagavi is run by BJP leader and former Rajya Sabha member Prabhakar Kore.
KLE has set up institutions in most of the districts in Kittur Karnataka, mainly in Belagavi and Hubballi.
The century-old education society offers education from kindergarten to post graduation including professional courses in engineering and medicine.
It currently runs 300 institutions across Karnataka, Maharashtra and Goa.
Bijapur Lingayat District Educational Association (BLDEA) was set up in Vijayapura. This too is a century-old association, operating 83 institutions.
It is currently run by Congress leader and Minister for Commerce and Industries and Infrastructure MB Patil.
Basaveshwara Veerashaiva Vidya Vardhaka Sangha (BVVS) has educational institutions in Bagalkot district. This sangha is run by BJP leader Veeranna Charantimath.
Tontadarya Institution of Engineering is run by Tontadarya Mahasamsthana Math in Gadag.
Shri Gavisiddeshwara College of Education, which offers various professional courses including medical and business administration, is run by Shri Gavisiddeshwara Mutt at Koppal.
Shanti Vardhak Education Society is run by the Minister for Forest Eshwar Khandre in Bidar.
SJM Vidyapeetha is run by Sri Jagadguru Murugharajendra Bruhanmatha in Chitradurga.
Bapuji Educational Association, which offers professional courses, is run by Congress veteran Shamanur Shivashankrappa, also president of All India Veerashaiva Mahasabha in Davanagere.
Swami Vivekananda Vidya Samsthe is run by BJP former chief minister BS Yediyurappa in Shivamogga district.
Sree Siddaganga Education Society is run by Siddaganga Mutt in Tumakuru.
Jagadguru Sri Shivarathreeshwara Mahavidyapeetha is run by JSS Matha in the old-Mysore region.
While the above-mentioned education institutions are mostly run by Lingayats, Vokkaliga-run institutions are predominantly in the old Mysore region.
Sri Adichunchanagiri Shikshana Trust’s BGS educational institutions are run by Sri Adichunchanagiri Mahasamsthana Mutt in Mandya, Tumakuru, Ramanagara, and Bengaluru.
Sri Siddhartha Academy of Higher Education is run by Home Minister Dr G Parameshwara; DKS Charitable Trust, which runs several education institutions in and around Bengaluru City, is owned by Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar.
It is important to note that while these institutions do not impose any caste-based restrictions on admission for educational purposes, employment opportunities are offered mostly to individuals from within the community.
Asked whether the demand for reservation is legitimate, Harish Ramaswamy pointed out: “The Lingayat community, especially in North Karnataka, has been empowered for a long time, largely through private investment in education, which allowed them to compete with the Brahmins for control of educational institutions.”
“Post-globalisation, the focus should shift to communities helping their own less fortunate members who haven’t received the same benefits from the state. In this era of an inverted state, where the government’s position is weakened, demands for reservations will not realise any dreams, whether for SC/ST or OBCs,” he said.
“To legitimise their position for reservation, the community needs to look toward the private sector. But the question remains: Will the private sector accept this?”
“The government would need to introduce new laws and affirmative action, as advocated by Infosys founder Narayan Murthy, who suggested that reservation could be provided in terms of levelling the playing field, but beyond that, individuals would need to prove their capabilities. The challenge for the community, then, is to navigate these issues and adjust their approach accordingly,” the political analyst said.
In the history of Karnataka politics, the position of chief minister has been largely dominated by the Lingayat community, followed by the OBCs and then the Vokkaligas.
Despite constituting only 14 percent of the state’s population, Lingayats have held the chief minister’s post a record nine times.
The OBCs, who account for 20 percent of the population, have produced five chief ministers, while the Vokkaliga community, with 11 percent of the population, has seen its leaders occupy the top post four times.
In comparison, the Brahmin community, with just 6.8 percent of the population, has held the post twice.
Importantly, despite their significant combined population share of 43.32 percent, the Scheduled Castes (19.5 percent), Scheduled Tribes (7.82 percent), and Muslims (16 percent) have not seen a single leader from their communities ascend to the chief minister’s post.
In the current Karnataka Legislative Assembly, Lingayats have the highest representation with 56 MLAs, accounting for 25 percent of the 224-member house.
Vokkaligas follow closely with 46 MLAs, making up 20.54 percent.
Brahmins are represented by 10 MLAs, which constitutes 4.46 percent, while Muslims have 9 MLAs, contributing 4.02 percent. Scheduled Castes (SCs) hold 36 seats, making up 16.07 percent, and Scheduled Tribes (STs) have 15 MLAs, accounting for 6.7 percent. It may be noted that SC and ST political representation is a direct result of reserved assembly constituencies. Leaders from the communities continue to be largely limited to reserved seats.
This stark underrepresentation highlights the dominance of certain communities, especially Lingayats and Vokkaligas in Karnataka’s political leadership.
This highlights the need for greater inclusivity to ensure the state’s diverse population finds proportional representation at the top of the political ladder.
Harish Ramaswamy told South First: “Linkages between economic progress and political development are intervening factors to recognise the political development of a community.”
“The former has traditionally been seen as a begetter or facilitator of the latter, through the agency of intervening variables like the spread of literacy and rise of plural interest groups, the accumulation of independent financial power and economic strength in society,” he said.
“Cross‐cutting cleavages created by economic specialisation and differentiation moderate social conflict; following these, political power automatically follows. However, only politically powerful positions don’t define the political development of a community.”
“That’s why you find genuine backward classes struggling to organise themselves in the above direction while the Lingayat community can be called politically developed,” Harish Ramaswamy explained.
(Edited by Rosamma Thomas).
