Promises vs reality: Where does the MK Stalin government stand four years into power?

In March 2023, Finance Minister Palanivel Thiaga Rajan asserted that his government surpassed the 50 percent fulfillment rate of the previous All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam administration across a decade.

k. Nitika Shivani

Published Apr 11, 2025 | 11:00 AM ⚊ Updated Apr 11, 2025 | 11:00 AM

Synopsis: With just a year left in its term, the track record of the DMK government under Chief Minister MK Stalin is a mixed bag of fulfilled, delayed, and unfulfilled promises from its expansive 2021 election manifesto. While flagship schemes like free bus travel for women and skill development initiatives have been successfully launched, key pledges such as LPG price cuts and student loan waivers remain unmet. As the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election looms, the government’s performance may shape both the state’s political landscape and wider questions of federalism in southern India.

The 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election is shaping into a high-stakes contest that could influence not just the state’s future but the broader trajectory of southern India.

With the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) taking strong positions on state rights, fiscal federalism, and issues like delimitation, the outcome could have wide wide-ranging impact on the southern states as a whole.

However, as Chief Minister MK Stalin approaches four years in office, it is pertinent to turn the attention inwards – towards the DMK’s performance against the promises it made in the run-up to the 2021 elections.

In March 2023, Finance Minister Palanivel Thiaga Rajan stated that government orders had been issued for 86 percent of the announcements made over the previous two years.

He asserted that it surpassed the 50 percent fulfilment rate of the previous All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) administration across a decade.

However, Opposition parties have disputed the figures. In April 2024, AIADMK General Secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami asserted that the DMK had implemented only about 10 percent of its poll promises, citing major gaps such as the failure to increase Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) workdays or waive student education loans.

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The 2021 manifesto: ambitious and expansive

The DMK’s 2021 manifesto has over 500 promises. It addressed a wide range of sectors, with a strong focus on welfare, economic revival, infrastructure, and Tamil cultural identity.

Among the most high-profile pledges:

• Fuel and LPG price cuts: ₹5 per litre cut in petrol and ₹4 per litre cut in diesel; reduction in cooking gas prices.
• Welfare schemes: ₹1,000 monthly aid to eligible women heads of households under the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thittam.
• Women’s mobility: Free bus travel for women in urban and suburban state-owned buses.
• Student support: Loan waivers, expanded scholarships, and the launch of the Naan Mudhalvan skill development initiative.
• Employment: 75 percent job reservation for Tamil Nadu residents in private sector employment.
• Fisheries and agriculture: Relief aid of Rs 5000 given to fishermen for fishing ban days will be increased to Rs 8000. Relief aid of Rs 5000 given to fishermen for monsoon season will be increased to Rs 6000.
• Religious and cultural initiatives: ₹1,000 crore for temple renovations.
• Fiscal autonomy: Demands for greater devolution of central funds and fiscal autonomy.
• Promotion of Tamil identity: Boost Tamil literature, language, and cultural outreach globally.

Also Read: Tamil Nadu man kills his sister for being in love, family helps cover up murder

Where do things stand?

With one year left in its term, the DMK government’s performance shows a mixed record – a combination of fulfilled, partially implemented, and pending promises.

Fully or substantially implemented:

• Free bus travel for women: One of the DMK’s flagship initiatives, this was rolled out shortly after taking office. A case study conducted in 2023 reported improved mobility, increased workforce participation, and reduced transportation costs for women across urban Tamil Nadu.
• Legislative transparency: The government began live-streaming Legislative Assembly sessions, fulfilling a promise to improve transparency and public access. However, whenever the Opposition speaks, the live telecast is cut off.
• Milk price reduction: Aavin milk prices were reduced by ₹3 per litre, bringing temporary relief to households dealing with rising costs.
• Covid relief: In response to economic challenges, particularly those exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, the DMK government disbursed ₹4,000 in cash assistance to ration cardholders, delivered in two phases. This was among the first welfare measures announced post-election.
• Temple renovation: ₹1,000 crore was allocated for the restoration of Hindu temples across the state. Several major temples have since undergone consecration ceremonies and structural repairs.
• Skill development and nutrition schemes: The Naan Mudhalvan scheme was launched to enhance employability among youth.

Partially implemented or delayed:

• Fuel price reduction: While the promise was to reduce petrol by ₹5 and diesel by ₹4 per litre, the government managed a partial cut – ₹3 on petrol and ₹2 on diesel. The government cited international oil prices and limited fiscal space for its inability to go further.

Yet to be fulfilled:

• LPG price reduction: The DMK’s commitment to lower cooking gas prices has not been met. The government attributed this to international market volatility and the withdrawal of Union subsidies.
• Student loan waivers: Many students who were expecting loan waivers were left without relief due to stringent eligibility norms and procedural delays.
• Private sector job reservation: The 75 percent reservation for local residents remains aspirational. Industries have pushed back, citing a shortage of skilled labour among the local population.

As Tamil Nadu prepares for another electoral cycle, the ruling party’s record will likely be proven decisive – not just for the DMK’s political future, but for the state’s evolving relationship with the Centre, and the balance of power between southern states and Delhi.

(Edited by Dese Gowda)

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