The formal group dynamics within the party have weakened over the years, giving rise to visible cracks between the older and younger generations of leaders.
Published Dec 29, 2024 | 12:00 PM ⚊ Updated Dec 29, 2024 | 12:00 PM
Leaders of the Kerala unit of Congress with Rahul Gandhi. (Facebook)
The 2026 Kerala Assembly elections are poised to be a litmus test for the Congress as it gears up to reclaim power after the ruling LDF has been governing the state for two consecutive terms.
Although traditional group rivalries within the party have weakened, key leaders like Opposition Leader (LoP) in the state Assembly VD Satheesan and former LoP Ramesh Chennithala have consolidated their factions, reviving internal power struggles.
As the elections approach, mounting pressure and simmering tensions could further challenge the party’s quest for unity and revival.
With questions looming over its leadership and the chief ministerial candidate, the grand old party is facing an uphill battle, compounded by its long history of factionalism.
In 1978, former Kerala chief minister K Karunakaran gave shape to the Congress (I) faction, with the ‘I’ symbolising loyalty to former prime minister Indira Gandhi. The formation of this faction came amid en masse opposition to Indira Gandhi following the emergency.
Prominent Congress leaders such as Chennithala, K Sudhakaran, Satheesan, and Karunakaran’s son, K Muraleedharan, later joined the group.
Conversely, sections uncomfortable with this coterie formed the Congress (Urs) faction in 1979, led by Karnataka’s former Karnataka chief minister Devaraj Urs, opposing Indira Gandhi’s leadership.
Among the most notable figures in the Congress (Urs) faction was former Kerala chief minister AK Antony. However, in 1980, Antony broke away to create his own faction, Congress (A).
Comprised of younger leaders like Oommen Chandy and MM Hasan, this group sought to uphold Congress ideology above factional allegiances. Although these leaders maintained that they were committed to the party rather than specific factions, their split revealed underlying divisions.
Over the years, Congress factions in Kerala have strategically distributed power to maintain internal balance. Typically, if a Congress (A) leader served as chief minister, a Congress (I) member would take charge as the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) president, and vice-versa.
For example, during AK Antony’s tenure as the chief minister from 2001 to 2004, K Muraleedharan, a Congress (I) leader, served as the KPCC chief. Similarly, when Oommen Chandy led the state government between 2011 and 2016, Ramesh Chennithala held the KPCC presidency.
While both factions claimed to prioritise the party’s interests, there have been instances when they separated from the Congress to form independent outfits and even align with the LDF. In 2005, Karunakaran left the Congress, creating the Democratic Indira Congress (Karunakaran).
The new party allied with the LDF for local body elections but returned to Congress after failing to secure an LDF ticket for Assembly polls. Despite Karunakaran’s efforts to bring his loyalists along, several leaders, including Chennithala, chose to remain within the Congress fold.
Karunakaran, a four-time chief minister and Union minister, remained a towering figure until his passing in 2010. Meanwhile, AK Antony transitioned to national politics, serving as Union Defence Minister in 2005, gradually stepping away from Kerala politics.
Despite losing mass appeal, Antony retained influence in the Kerala Congress due to his rapport with Sonia Gandhi and the party’s high command.
Karunakaran’s departure and Antony’s reduced involvement created room for evolving leadership patterns and shifting loyalties. It can be described as a period of musical chairs, with leaders moving between factions based on political calculations.
While Karunakaran’s faction lacked formal recognition and operated under the Congress (I) label, Antony’s Congress (A) had briefly functioned as a distinct party before reintegrating with the Congress.
Even after these realignments, the legacy of factionalism within Kerala’s Congress continues to shape its internal power dynamics and electoral strategies.
The formal group dynamics within the party have weakened over the years, giving rise to visible cracks between the older and younger generations of leaders. Recent remarks by Chandy Oommen, Puthupally MLA and son of the late Oommen Chandy, have further exposed these fissures.
Chandy Oommen’s revelation that he was organisationally sidelined during the Palakkad by-election has been interpreted as an indirect criticism of the current leadership, particularly Satheesan and Vadakara MP Shafi Parambil.
The younger faction, led by Satheesan and supported by Shafi Parambil, currently enjoys significant backing within the party and in the Assembly.
However, Chandy Oommen’s dissatisfaction has resonated with Congress veterans such as Chennithala and Muraleedharan, highlighting a growing divide between the old guard and the new generation.
Even though the recent electoral success in Palakkad bolstered Satheesan’s standing, it has also triggered resentment among senior leaders.
A Congress leader from Kottayam, speaking to South First, said, “Satheesan is doing his best to consolidate power by pushing for a change in the KPCC leadership. However, he is an autocrat. He has the support of the youth within the party and a strong position in the Assembly. Needless to say, he lacks the experience needed to handle an Assembly election. It requires expertise in fundraising, religious consolidation, and ground-level strategies, where senior leaders like Chennithala excel.”
The leader added, “Satheesan may plan a ‘Kerala Yathra’ ahead of the elections to establish connections with the public. But building meaningful relationships with local leaders and grassroots workers requires qualities that Satheesan currently lacks, and Chennithala has in abundance.”
Chennithala is intensifying his efforts to pressure the Congress high command by uniting caste and religious forces in Kerala. In a bid to solidify his political standing, Chennithala is seeking to form alliances with the Nair Service Society (NSS) and Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP).
Chennithala’s ambition is further fueled by the historic trend that all Congress leaders who have held the LoP position eventually ascended to the chief minister’s post.
His move to align with the NSS and SNDP and bring the Muslim League into the fold signals a shift in his political strategy. After 11 years, he has renewed his ties with the NSS leadership, even receiving an invitation to speak at the Mannam Jayanti celebrations on 2 January 2025.
This aligns with his broader efforts to play the community card to secure his place as a senior leader. However, this development poses a significant challenge to his rivals, including Satheesan and KC Venugopal, especially since Chennithala continues to stake his claim within the Congress party.
According to Congress sources, the party is witnessing a shift from traditional groups to individual-centred factions, with Satheesan now a dominant force. Satheesan has managed to unite young leaders from the A and I groups, positioning himself as a key figure in the party.
Meanwhile, Congress General Secretary Venugopal and KPCC President Sudhakaran wield considerable influence within the party structure.
Chennithala, mindful of his rivals’ rising influence, is using his community alliances to strengthen his position. The invitation extended to him to speak at the Mannam Jayanti celebrations, backed by SNDP General Secretary Vellappally Natesan, signals his attempt to position himself as a leader supported by both forward and backward communities.
In contrast, Satheesan has maintained a more restrained approach, publicly stating his lack of interest in appeasing community leaders. Despite this, he continues to make his presence felt at key events like the Maramon Convention, Asia’s largest Christian gathering.
Satheesan’s participation in the event has intensified Chennithala’s determination to secure his position, setting the stage for a fierce internal battle within the Congress party leading up to the 2026 elections.
However, the rift between the old guard and the ‘younger leadership’ could pose significant challenges for Congress since the party has faced setbacks in the last two Assembly elections even while gaining the upper hand in the general elections.
While Satheesan’s strategies appeal to a younger, digitally-savvy electorate, critics argue that traditional political acumen, rooted in grassroots engagement, remains vital for electoral success.
(Edited by Muhammed Fazil.)
