National BJP leaders, including Union Ministers Suresh Gopi and Rajeev Chandrasekhar, have taken a more visible role in local struggles, raising questions about the party’s electoral strategy ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.
Published Mar 17, 2025 | 12:00 PM ⚊ Updated Mar 17, 2025 | 1:33 PM
Suresh Gopi and Rajeev Chandrasekhar (Img- https://organiser.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/kerla-jpg.webp)
Synopsis: The Kerala BJP appears to be shifting focus from Hindutva-driven politics to public issues, as evidenced by its engagement with ASHA workers’ protests and the Munambam Waqf dispute. National BJP leaders, including Union Ministers Suresh Gopi and Rajeev Chandrasekhar, have taken a more visible role in local struggles, raising questions about the party’s electoral strategy ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.
A few days ago, thousands of women gathered in Kerala’s capital, Thiruvananthapuram, to offer Pongala as part of the Attukal Pongala festival.
Meanwhile, in another part of the city, a different group of women – Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) workers – remained camped on the roadside, braving the elements for over a month, demanding fair wages and better incentives.
On Wednesday, 12 March, a day before Pongala, Union Minister of State for Tourism, Suresh Gopi, visited the protest site and distributed 100 Pongala kits to the striking workers outside the Secretariat.
Gopi later remarked that the ASHA workers’ offering was not an act of defiance but a prayer for harmony.
Notably, he is the only politician in Kerala to have visited the striking workers multiple times – first to express support, then to convey the Union Government’s assurances, and later to provide raincoats and umbrellas as they continued protesting in harsh weather.
His repeated visits suggest a possible shift in the Kerala Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) strategy. The party has historically struggled to gain traction in the state, but its national leaders now appear more engaged in local issues than their state-level counterparts.
Union Minister Rajeev Chandrasekhar, who rarely engages with grassroots concerns in Kerala, also made an appearance on Thursday.
Meanwhile, BJP spokesperson Anil Antony took the issue to the national stage, holding a press conference in Delhi to highlight alleged discrepancies in the Kerala government’s data on ASHA workers.
This begs the question: Is this a tactical recalibration by the BJP? With the 2026 Assembly elections on the horizon, is the party’s national leadership laying the groundwork for a stronger push in Kerala? And if so, why are national figures more visible in these local struggles than the state’s BJP leadership?
The Sangh Parivar’s influence in Kerala has been shaped over decades through a series of religious and cultural confrontations, long before the BJP attempted to gain electoral traction in the state.
One of the earliest major flashpoints was the Kanyakumari Rock dispute in the 1960s. The rock, revered by Hindus as the site where Swami Vivekananda meditated, became a point of contention when Christian groups claimed it as St Xavier’s Rock.
Initially, the Tamil Nadu government permitted only a commemorative plaque for Vivekananda in 1963.
Tensions escalated when Christian groups allegedly removed and discarded the plaque into the sea.
The Sangh-backed Sila Smaraka Samithi launched a fierce campaign, ultimately succeeding in establishing the Vivekananda Rock Memorial in 1970 after sustained protests and political lobbying.
This marked one of the first major victories for Hindutva forces in South India.
Two decades later, in 1983, another confrontation arose in Nilakkal, Kerala.
The Catholic community sought to build a church near a Shiva temple, citing historical ties to St Thomas, who is believed to have established early Christian settlements in the region. The Sangh Parivar opposed the move, launching an aggressive campaign that led to violent clashes.
This agitation solidified the Sangh’s influence in Kerala’s socio-political landscape, giving it a foothold among Hindu voters, particularly the Nair and Ezhava communities.
By 2013, the Sangh Parivar had begun actively mobilising Hindus through events like the Vishal Hindu Sammelan in Kochi.
At the gathering, leaders urged Hindus to display the ‘Om’ symbol in their homes and embrace visible identity markers.
“At the grassroots level, initiatives like the Nilakkal protests and the Sila Smaraka Samithi agitation at Vivekananda Rock showcased the growing influence of Hindutva forces in Kerala,” said Satheesh Kumar, an editor at Janmabhoomi, a pro-RSS media outlet in Kerala.
The Supreme Court’s 2018 verdict allowing women of all ages to enter the Sabarimala temple was a turning point for the Sangh Parivar in the state. The BJP viewed it as a ‘golden opportunity’ to make inroads within the state.
The movement was led by the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), Nair Service Society (NSS), Ayyappa Dharma Sena, and other Sangh-affiliated groups, sparking intense mobilisation.
Despite the large-scale protests, the movement failed to translate into electoral gains. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP failed to win any seats in Kerala. In the 2021 Assembly elections, BJP state president K. Surendran contested from Manjeshwaram and Konni (where Sabarimala is located) but lost both.
However, the controversy left a lasting impact. According to Sooraj K.S., a former Sangh activist from Ernakulam, the protests created a shift in the Hindu vote bank, particularly among the Nair and Ezhava communities.
“Many Hindus developed a soft corner for the BJP after the Sabarimala protests, believing that only the party could protect their faith. Fortunately, it did not escalate into a communal conflict, thanks to the careful and sensitive approach of the media and the government. But if the same had happened in the North, what would have been the outcome?” he told South First.
Before stepping into the ASHA workers’ agitation, the BJP was actively involved in the Munambam Waqf protest.
This shift suggests a strategic attempt to broaden its image – from a party primarily focused on religious issues to one championing public grievances.
Several key leaders, including Union Minister of State for Minorities George Kurien, Union Minister Sobha Karandlaje, and actor-turned-politician Suresh Gopi, have been vocal about the Munambam Waqf dispute.
Christian groups have alleged that properties belonging to families in Cherai and Munambam for generations have been unjustly taken over by the Waqf Board under existing laws. The BJP has positioned itself as a defender of these groups, further strengthening its outreach to Christian voters.
George Kurien took a direct swipe at those advocating constitutional rights, stating:
“The constitutional rights of all citizens must be upheld. Those who repeatedly emphasise the importance of the Constitution conveniently ignore the plight of the people of Munambam.
BJP Karnataka leader Tejasvi Surya also raised the issue during the Palakkad bypoll campaign, portraying it as a pressing concern for local residents.
This has contributed to a growing sense of alignment between sections of the Christian community and the BJP – a shift that could have long-term political implications in Kerala.
While the BJP has actively engaged in protests like the Munambam dispute, it has remained notably silent on the Koodalmanikyam Temple caste discrimination controversy.
During the Attukal Pongala festival, Suresh Gopi was asked about the issue. His response – “So amidst this graceful presence, there is poison too.” – was widely seen as a jibe at the media for raising sensitive questions.
So far, no major BJP leader has made a direct statement about the temple controversy or the untouchability-related pond issue.
A senior Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader from Ernakulam suggested that this silence is a calculated move:
“Why did the BJP not take up the issue? First, the privileged class involved is part of the BJP’s vote bank. Secondly, Thrissur is already a BJP stronghold. The party tried to politicise the Thrissur Pooram disruption against the CPI(M). That is why every move in Thrissur is made cautiously. If the CPI(M) issues any statement or action that could be seen as anti-Hindu, the BJP will exploit it for political gain.”
This selective engagement with public issues highlights the BJP’s evolving strategy in Kerala – actively aligning with some protests while treading carefully around others that might alienate its core support base.
Meanwhile, Suresh Gopi, on 11 March, accused Kerala’s Left Democratic Front (LDF) government, led by Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, of misleading ASHA workers and urged the media to expose their plight.
Mocking Health Minister Veena George’s remark – “You go to Delhi, I will come and join the strike” – Gopi dismissed it as an insincere attempt to pacify the protesters. He challenged ASHA workers to test the minister’s commitment, asserting:
“She will never stand by you. Her words are just a distraction.”
In response, Veena George defended the state’s record, stating that Kerala provides the highest honorarium to ASHA workers, with 90 percent earning between ₹10,000 and ₹13,500 per month.
She noted that workers receive a ₹3,000 fixed incentive along with additional task-based incentives. Speaking in the Assembly, she also highlighted structured roles, maternity leave, and protections against excessive workload.
Meanwhile, ASHA workers urged Gopi to bring a formal Union government order, not just statements.
Meanwhile, amidst rumours of a leadership change in Kerala BJP, names such as Shobha Surendran and MT Ramesh have surfaced as potential successors to state president K Surendran.
Adding to the speculation, BJP’s 2024 Lok Sabha candidate from Thiruvananthapuram, Rajeev Chandrasekhar, has now emerged as a contender.
His involvement in the ASHA workers’ protests has fuelled rumours of a leadership shake-up. When asked about his prospects, Chandrasekhar did not rule out the possibility and hinted that an official announcement could be forthcoming.
If appointed, his leadership could reshape the BJP’s prospects in the 2026 Assembly and local body elections.
Though he performed strongly in the Lok Sabha polls, he fell short of victory. Since then, he has been actively consolidating his presence in the capital.
Demonstrating his commitment, Chandrasekhar recently purchased a residence in Kowdiar and plans to spend six days a month in Thiruvananthapuram, focusing on local development.
“Three and a half lakh people supported me in the elections. I am here for them and will work toward resolving their issues,” he said, reaffirming his long-term engagement with the region.
(Edited by Dese Gowda)
