Kannur’s unsavoury legacy as a hotspot of politically motivated violence stretches back decades, with communal riots and targeted killings defining its political landscape. Today, Kannur is slowly shifting focus. From a legacy of political violence and bomb blasts, the narrative is moving towards governance and leadership.
Published May 15, 2025 | 9:00 AM ⚊ Updated May 15, 2025 | 9:00 AM
Once synonymous with political violence, Kannur is now gaining a different kind of pride, its rising stature in shaping Kerala's political future.
Synopsis: Sunny Joseph has been appointed KPCC president in a bid to help Congress reclaim its influence in Kerala’s critical Malabar region. The decision follows two successive electoral defeats and comes amid growing internal discord and a rising BJP threat. Once notorious for political violence, Kannur is now gaining prominence as a leadership centre, with both Joseph’s elevation and a CPI(M) leadership overhaul dominated by Kannur figures.
Once known as Kerala’s political tinderbox, Kannur is writing a new chapter in its storied political history.
With the appointment of Sunny Joseph, MLA from Peravoor, as the new Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) President, the Congress party has signalled a carefully calibrated shift in strategy.
Chosen with deliberation by the All India Congress Committee (AICC) after back-to-back electoral defeats in the state, Sunny’s elevation marks not just a leadership change but a renewed hope for the Congress in Kerala.
Rahul Gandhi, the Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha, minced no words recently: “The people of Kerala deserve a better government than Pinarayi Vijayan’s. Congress leaders in the state, please do not stand in the way.”
His statement resonates strongly in a state where the Congress enjoys significant support but has struggled to convert it into electoral success.
Interestingly, the choice of Sunny Joseph, also from Kannur like his predecessor K Sudhakaran, adds weight to the growing prominence of the Kannur squad within Kerala’s political landscape.
Once synonymous with political violence, Kannur is now gaining a different kind of pride – its rising stature in shaping Kerala’s political future.
For Congress workers in Kannur, Sunny Joseph is still ‘Sunny Vakkeel’, a fond nod to his legal roots despite having left active practice years ago.
K Sudhakaran and Sunny Joseph
His elevation as KPCC President comes at a politically crucial juncture – not only for the Congress party but also for Kannur, a district long regarded as a Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] bastion and the political cradle of leaders like Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan.
Until now, K Sudhakaran stood as the sole formidable challenger to Vijayan from Kannur, where the CPI(M) commands a disciplined, army-like cadre, a structure rarely seen in the Congress.
However, the “KS Army” in Kannur, loyal to Sudhakaran, remains notably active both within the party’s organisational machinery and on the ground.
Interestingly, Kannur continues to exert considerable influence within the CPI(M) as well.
The newly reconstituted 17-member state secretariat includes five leaders from the district – Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, State Secretary MV Govindan, and Central Committee members EP Jayarajan, KK Shailaja, and District Secretary MV Jayarajan.
Sunny Joseph’s rise took many within the Congress by surprise, especially with more prominent names like Roji M John, Benny Behanan, and Anto Antony – all hailing from Central Travancore – being considered frontrunners.
However, the tide ultimately turned in favour of the Malabar region.
This also marks the first time in 21 years that a Christian leader has assumed the KPCC presidency, a move widely interpreted as an attempt to win back the Catholic vote base.
The Catholic Church had earlier voiced concern over the diminishing presence of Christian figures in the party’s top leadership. Sunny’s appointment appears to be the Congress’s response to that call.
CPIM leaders from Kannur
A native of Thodupuzha in Idukki, Sunny Joseph entered politics through the student movement and steadily climbed the ranks.
In 2001, he succeeded K Sudhakaran as Kannur District Congress Committee (DCC) President, a role he now replicates at the state level.
Elected thrice from Peravoor since 2011, Sunny brings both experience and organisational acumen.
With support from leaders like VD Satheesan and even Sudhakaran himself, his elevation is seen as a continuity move rather than a break.
Kannur DCC President Adv Martin George emphasised that Sunny Joseph is not only a strong leader but also a representative of the high-range farmers.
“His presence and guidance will undoubtedly help us secure more votes across the Malabar region. He has consistently made bold decisions within the party,” George told South First.
He added that the KPCC has now selected a team that reflects the diversity of all regions and social sections.
“In the upcoming Assembly election, the Congress is poised to win more seats in the region,” he said.
“Despite the Left’s dominance, the Congress has performed commendably here. The Kannur Corporation is governed by the Congress, and Sudhakaran’s victories in both 2019 and 2024 came as a shock to CPI(M) leaders.”
Responding to claims of internal strife within the Congress, George said:
“People are well aware of what is happening within the CPI(M) leadership in Kannur. There is a clear lack of coordination among their leaders, and internal conflicts are surfacing publicly.”
When comparing the 2021 Kerala Assembly election, it is clear that the Congress’s recent focus on the Malabar region was a conscious decision.
With 48 Assembly seats spread across the districts of Kasaragod, Kannur, Wayanad, Kozhikode, and Malappuram, Malabar holds the key to any party aspiring to reach the 100-seat mark in the 140-member Kerala Assembly – an ambition recently reiterated by Opposition Leader VD Satheesan.
But the ground reality for the Congress in Malabar paints a bleak picture.
Constituencies Won by Parties
In Kannur district, which has 16 Assembly constituencies, Congress managed to win only two – Irikkur (Sajeev Joseph) and Peravoor (Sunny Joseph).
The CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) dominated the rest, registering massive victories in strongholds like Dharmadam and Mattannur.
Even in closely fought seats like Kannur and Azhikode, Congress candidates fell short by narrow margins, a result of the party’s weakened organisational depth.
The situation in Kozhikode district is especially grim.
Here, the Congress relied heavily on allies like the Revolutionary Marxist Party (RMP) and Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) to remain relevant.
Yet, the LDF swept most constituencies with CPI(M) and Communist Party of India (CPI) candidates winning decisively.
In Vadakara, RMP’s KK Rema won, and in Kuttiadi, IUML’s Parakkal Abdulla lost by just 333 votes – battles sustained not by Congress but by its partners.
In other key seats like Balussery and Kozhikode North, Congress candidates such as Dharmajan Bolgatty and KM Abhijith faced significant defeats.
In many constituencies, the party did not even field candidates, surrendering space to independents or IUML-backed figures.
In Malappuram, the Congress’s electoral performance starkly revealed its increasing dependence on the IUML.
Of the 13 constituencies, the IUML contested and won 9, including major seats like Malappuram, Vengara, and Manjeri.
Stalwarts like PK Kunhalikutty and PU Ubaidulla led the charge, ensuring United Democratic Front (UDF) dominance in the district.
In contrast, Congress won just two seats – Wandoor and Nilambur – and even these victories came with reduced margins. In Nilambur, the party lost to LDF-backed independent PV Anvar.
Even in strongholds, cracks are visible.
In Perinthalmanna, IUML’s Najeeb Kanthapuram scraped through with a margin of just 38 votes. The LDF made notable inroads by winning Tanur and Ponnani, and putting up stiff fights elsewhere, shaking the UDF’s dominance.
The Congress’s existence in Malappuram – and increasingly in Malabar – is propped up by the IUML.
Without the IUML’s community backing and organisational machinery, Congress appears electorally fragile.
As the Congress looks ahead to future elections, reclaiming Malabar must be a priority – not an afterthought.
“Their performance in Travancore and Central Travancore appears promising. But in Malabar – especially in districts like Kozhikode and Kannur – they have considerable ground to cover,” Nandagopan S, a political analyst based in Kochi told South First.
While the IUML’s strong presence in Malappuram provides the UDF with some comfort, Nandagopan cautioned against overreliance.
“The Congress cannot afford to depend entirely on the IUML, especially since there were discussions within the CPI(M) a few months ago about the possibility of IUML joining the LDF,” he said.
“That should be a wake-up call.”
Constituencies Won by Parties
From resolving pressing issues like human-animal conflicts and long-pending infrastructure demands such as the High Range Highway, to strategically managing Christian and Muslim vote banks, the Congress must rebuild its grassroots network across the region.
Without that, the goal of crossing the 100-seat mark in the Assembly will remain a distant dream.
The recent Lok Sabha election results brought much-needed enthusiasm to the Congress in Kerala.
Victories in constituencies like Thrikkakara, Puthuppally, Palakkad, and Wayanad served as a reminder that cohesive strategies and grassroots coordination can still yield success.
Nandagopan believes the upcoming electoral battles will be particularly challenging, with the Congress facing not just the CPI(M) but also a growing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) presence in the state.
“The BJP’s expanding footprint in Kerala is a reality that can no longer be ignored,” he said.
Though the BJP has no electoral stronghold in Kannur or the wider Malabar region, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has long maintained deep roots here, akin to its presence in Palakkad.
However, in Kannur, the RSS’s legacy has often been linked more to violent clashes than to political strategy.
Historical tensions date back to as early as the 1950s, when MS Golwalkar’s rallies in Kerala were met with violent resistance from CPI(M) supporters, leading to a series of retaliatory attacks across several districts, including Thrissur, Kottayam, Ernakulam, and Palakkad.
By 1971, Kannur had already become a hotspot of politically motivated violence.
Communal riots and targeted killings began to define its political landscape. While Karnataka-based Hindu businessmen supported the RSS, many local Muslim traders backed the CPI(M).
Pooranchandran
Between 2000 and 2016, Kerala saw 173 political murders – 86 from the CPI(M), 65 from the BJP, and 11 from the Congress and IUML. During the first Pinarayi Vijayan government (2016–2021), 12 of the 32 political killings in Kerala occurred in Kannur.
Kannur has also been home to prominent BJP leaders like CK Padmanabhan and V Muraleedharan. Padmanabhan, a former communist, was known for his grounded approach and inclusive remarks, including his statement: Hatred of Muslims will not do any good to us or the nation.
The human cost of the region’s turbulent past is visible in people like Pooranchandran, a bomb blast survivor from 1998 who lost a hand and sight in one eye.
Once a ragpicker, he now works as a clerk in a government music college – a symbol of resilience.
Today, Kannur is slowly shifting focus. From a legacy of political violence and bomb blasts, the narrative is moving towards governance and leadership – less about clashes, more about command.
(Edited by Dese Gowda)
