Zuhra, in her fight for justice, presented a draft bill calling for amendments to Muslim inheritance laws to Union Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju to ensure fairness and equality.
Published Mar 04, 2025 | 3:14 PM ⚊ Updated Mar 04, 2025 | 8:08 PM
VP Zuhra met Union Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, along with Union Minister Suresh Gopi, and presented a draft bill advocating amendments to ensure justice and fairness in Muslim inheritance laws.
Synopsis: Activist VP Zuhra has been protesting for the right of Muslim women for long. Recently, she stateged a protest in Delhi seeking equal inheritance rights for Muslim women. In a conversation with South First, she opens up about her journey and the motivation behind her relentless pursuit of justice for women.
On 23 February, a 73-year-old woman embarked on a solitary battle. The fight was not for her rights but lakhs of Muslim women.
VP Zuhra, founder of the Kerala-based progressive Muslim women’s forum NISA, began a hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in Delhi, demanding equal inheritance rights for Muslim women, which continue to be denied to them.
This struggle is far from something to celebrate, especially in the 21st century, when women from all communities have gained equal inheritance rights alongside their husbands or fathers. Meanwhile, Muslim women are still denied these fundamental rights.
Zuhra, in her fight for justice, presented a draft bill calling for amendments to Muslim inheritance laws to Union Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju to ensure fairness and equality.
In a conversation with South First, she opens up about her journey and the motivation behind her relentless pursuit of justice for women.
Q: What are your key demands regarding Muslim women’s rights?
VP Zuhra during her protest at Jantar Mantar. (Supplied)
A: My primary demand is equal inheritance rights for Muslim women, as the current Islamic laws grant them only a half of what is inherited by male heirs. This legal disparity leaves many women struggling. I’ve even received calls from women settled abroad and students from North India, who have approached me to understand this issue better.
An only daughter may have to share her deceased father’s property with paternal uncles, while aunts are often denied any share. Despite the Supreme Court hearing petitions on this matter since 2016, no amendments have been made. While laws governing other religions have evolved, Islamic inheritance laws remain unchanged.
Muslim women must receive equal inheritance rights, ensuring that they are entitled to the same share as male heirs. This change is essential to eliminate the financial struggles of several women due to outdated laws.
There should be legal recognition for orphaned grandchildren, allowing them to inherit property from their grandparents if their parents are no longer alive. This would prevent injustice and ensure that vulnerable children are not left without financial security.
The codification of Muslim personal law is crucial to remove ambiguities in inheritance rights. Currently, these laws are open to multiple interpretations, often leading to unfair practices and legal battles. A clear, uniform law will provide justice for all.
Divorce should only be granted through the court, putting an end to unilateral divorces. This reform would provide Muslim women with legal protection and prevent arbitrary or instant divorce practices that leave them without support.
Muslim women must have equal guardianship and adoption rights. The current laws often place women in a disadvantaged position regarding their own children’s custody and the right to adopt, which needs to change for true gender equality.
Polygamy in Muslim marriages should be abolished. Women deserve equal rights in marriage, and polygamy often leads to emotional and financial distress for wives. A legal ban would bring Muslim marriage laws in line with modern gender justice principles.
Q: Do you have hope in the BJP? You know how the BJP is treating minorities in India. Do you have support from other parties?
A: Please don’t associate me with the BJP because of this fight for justice. They are in power; they govern the country. So, is there any point in ignoring them?
For quite some time, I have been raising this demand and have submitted petitions and draft bills to various department heads of the state government.
In 2023, the Kerala government responded, stating that they had no authority over this issue and that only the Union government could enact laws. That was when I decided to approach the Union government.
When there was no response, I went on a hunger strike at Jantar Mantar. I had to end it due to legal reasons, and Union Minister Suresh Gopi assured his intervention. In his presence, I met Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju and submitted my petition seeking amendments to the Muslim Personal Law and the inclusion of Muslims under the Indian Succession Act. He assured action on the matter.
LDF leaders, including Annie Raja and Brinda Karat’s representatives, expressed support. However, I have no expectations from Congress, as they haven’t backed me. As for the Muslim League, their stance was evident in the Shah Bano case, what more can we expect from them?
Q: As a believer in Islam, how is it possible to challenge Muslim Personal Law?
A: Islam upholds the safety and security of women, providing principles that ensure justice and dignity. However, religious leaders and clerics have often distorted these teachings, interpreting them to align with their organisational and ideological interests rather than the true essence of the faith.
CPI leader Annie Raja with VP Zuhra during the Jantar Mantar protest.
This has led to a situation where the authenticity of Islam is being questioned.
Furthermore, it is incorrect to say that only a few voices are speaking out against these issues. Islamic feminism has existed for centuries. Feminist thought emerged in Islamic societies long before it became prominent in Western discourse, as historical records demonstrate.
Why must we rigidly adhere to outdated Arabian customs, ignoring the evolving needs of society?
Q: What is your opinion on international movements like the hijab protest? Do you notice a change in the way Muslim women dress? Has it become more conventional than in earlier days?
A: Such movements need more recognition, as they encourage more women to step forward in the future. In earlier times, Muslim women wore sarees, salwars, or other outfits of their choice while staying true to their faith and offering prayers wholeheartedly.
However, today, even young girls as little as five or eight years old are made to wear pardah and hijab. This shows that children are being influenced and conditioned by religious leaders enforcing strict dress codes.
Those who impose such rigid rules on women often have broader ideological goals, including aspirations of shaping society according to their religious beliefs. I personally used to cover my head with the edge of my saree for years, but I stopped after Samastha leader Ummer Faizy Mukkam’s controversial remark.
He stated that women who do not cover their heads lead immoral lives. Such statements reflect a deeply problematic mindset, one that views women who are active in public life as lacking family values and tries to suppress those who raise their voices in society.
Q: How did NISA come into existence, and what were its key demands?
Police escorting VP Zuhra from the protest site. (Supplied)
A: During the first sitting of the Kerala Women’s Commission in Kozhikode in 1996-97, issues concerning Muslim women were raised. While Chairperson Sugathakumari listened empathetically, some felt uneasy about a Hindu woman addressing matters specific to Muslim women. They viewed her not as an activist or poet but primarily as a Hindu Nair woman.
This led to the realisation that Muslim women needed to represent themselves, resulting in the formation of NISA on 16 June 1997, in Manjeri, Malappuram.
Initially named, Nisa’a, the organisation later adopted NISA following a suggestion from North Indian leader and MP Syed Shihabuddin, referencing the Quranic chapter, Nisa.
NISA’s key demands included mandatory marriage registration to prevent child marriage, regulations on polygamy, divorce through family courts, active participation of brides in marriage decisions, simplified divorce procedures for women, equal property rights, inheritance rights for daughters, and amendments to personal laws to reflect these concerns.
NISA sparked a significant movement among Muslim women, particularly in Malabar, addressing not just religious issues but broader women’s rights. Unlike many organizations, it operated without external funding, relying on its members for financial support.
Q: Can you tell us about your childhood, family, and early experiences?
A: I grew up in the Velapuram village near Valapattanam in Kannur, the third of nine children. My father, Ahdal Thangal, was a senior Muslim League leader and a disciple of Umar Bafaqi Thangal. After leaving the military, he entered politics and even introduced E Ahamed (former Union minister of state) to the field.
However, he later resigned, or was expelled, from the party, a fact I only learned from my politically aware mother, Attabeevi.
Despite financial struggles, my mother was compassionate and rejected rigid religious beliefs, especially the seclusion of women. In our conservative society, women rarely stepped out, and fear and superstition were widespread. Since newspapers were a daily presence at home, I often read them aloud, along with novels.
In seventh grade, I confronted a teacher who insulted me, creating a village scandal as teachers were revered like gods. This incident ultimately led to my education being cut short.
Q: You got married at a young age and later divorced, but your daughter’s marriage was a revolution.
A: Married at 13 to a 23-year-old, I had two children in four years. As incompatibility grew, I decided to separate — only to learn my husband had already divorced me via a letter to the mosque. At 18, I had faced both child marriage and divorce.
Determined to rebuild, I resumed studies privately, completed my tenth grade, pre-degree, and pursued nursing despite family opposition. My mother stood by me, saying, let her at least escape.
At 22, I was forced into marriage with a 65-year-old. A year later, I had a son. My husband soon became bedridden, remaining ill for 11 years.
Casteism runs deep among Muslims, especially Thangals (claimed to be descendants of Prophet Mohammad). While Thangal men can marry Malabari women (referring to people from the Malabar region or Muslims in Kerala in general), Thangal women are forbidden from marrying Malabaris.
(Thangals are known for practicing endogamy and rarely marry outside their community.)
My daughter’s marriage defied this rigid norm — one of the first to break the barrier.
(Edited by Muhammed Fazil.)
