Published Mar 31, 2026 | 1:34 PM ⚊ Updated Mar 31, 2026 | 2:23 PM
Representational image. Credit: iStock
Synopsis: As Kerala heads into polls on 9 April, constituencies once decided by razor-thin margins and record-breaking victories are back in focus, carrying both the weight of past verdicts and the uncertainty of shifting political ground. From Perinthalmanna and Kuttiyadi’s nail-biters to Kannur’s towering Left bastions, the real question this time isn’t just who wins—but by how much, and what it says about a changing electorate.
With just days left for Kerala to vote on 9 April, the noise of the campaign is only getting louder—but so are the memories of 2021.
That election had its share of edge-of-the-seat finishes. In at least one constituency, the result turned on a margin as slim as 38 votes, setting off days of arguments, recount demands and lingering political bitterness. At the other end were sweeping victories—one of them rewriting the record books with the highest winning margin the state has seen in an Assembly contest.
Five years on, the landscape has shifted in many ways. Alliances have been tested, local equations have evolved, and new faces have emerged. Yet, some of those very constituencies—from knife-edge battles decided by a few hundred votes to those where the winner surged past the 30 per cent mark—remain under watch.
Not just because of what happened then, but because of what has unfolded since.
In Kerala’s electoral map, a few constituencies have earned a reputation for keeping everyone guessing till the very last round of counting. Perinthalmanna in Malappuram and Kuttiyadi in Kozhikode fall squarely into that category.
These are not places where victories come easy or margins offer comfort. Instead, they are defined by close contests, shifting loyalties, and a political climate where even the smallest swing can alter the outcome.
The 2021 Assembly elections only reinforced that image. In Perinthalmanna, the result was decided by a mere 38 votes—one of the narrowest margins in the state’s history—turning the constituency into the center of a prolonged legal and political battle over disputed postal ballots. Kuttiyadi, too, delivered a tense finish, with the Left candidate scraping through by just 333 votes after a campaign shaped as much by internal party friction as by opposition challenge.
Perinthalmanna is one of those rare constituencies in Kerala where elections are never routine—they’re watched, argued over, and remembered long after the votes are counted. Sitting in Malappuram district, it has steadily built a reputation as a political battleground where margins are wafer-thin and outcomes often unpredictable.
The constituency dates back to 1957, formed soon after the creation of Kerala state. In its early years, when it was part of Palakkad district, the Left held a firm grip, winning all four elections until the late 1960s. But the political tide shifted dramatically after the formation of Malappuram district in 1969. From 1970 to 2001, the Indian Union Muslim League dominated the scene, with leaders like KKS Thangal and Nalakath Soopi turning Perinthalmanna into a stronghold.
That dominance was briefly interrupted in 2006 when the CPI(M)’s V Sasikumar reclaimed the seat. What followed, however, has been a series of fiercely fought contests. The Muslim League made a strategic comeback in 2011 by fielding Manjalamkuzhi Ali, who had crossed over from the Left. Since then, every election here has been a cliffhanger. In 2016, the margin was just 579 votes. By 2021, it had shrunk to an astonishing 38 votes, with Najeeb Kanthapuram emerging victorious.
That 2021 result didn’t just grab headlines—it sparked a prolonged legal and political battle. At the center of the dispute were 348 postal ballots that were set aside during counting due to procedural issues. The defeated candidate, KPM Mustafa of LDF, challenged the result, arguing those votes could have changed the outcome. What followed was a complex legal trail, reaching both the Kerala High Court and the Supreme Court.
The controversy deepened when a ballot box linked to these postal votes was briefly reported missing, only to be later found in a government office—raising serious concerns about handling and security. An Election Commission inquiry later pointed to signs of tampering, including torn covers and missing seals on ballot packets.
Despite all this, the Kerala High Court, in August 2024, upheld Najeeb Kanthapuram’s victory, bringing some closure—at least legally.
Now, as a fresh election approaches, the spotlight is back on Perinthalmanna. Najeeb Kanthapuram is contesting again for the UDF, while the LDF has fielded Muhammed Haneefa. The NDA has entered the fray with Adv. KP Baburaj.
If history is anything to go by, this is not a seat where predictions hold. In Perinthalmanna, every vote still counts—and sometimes, just a handful can decide everything.
Then comes Kuttiyadi constituency in Kozhikode, which has, over the years, come to reflect the restless pulse of Kerala’s grassroots politics. It is not just a battleground of parties, but of workers, sentiment, and occasionally, open dissent.
Formed after the 2008 delimitation from parts of the old Meppayur constituency, Kuttiyadi has seen tightly fought contests right from its first election in 2011. That year, the Left rode to victory with a comfortable margin, only to see the seat slip away in 2016 by just over a thousand votes. The back-and-forth nature of these results says a lot about the constituency—nothing here is ever taken for granted.
The 2021 election, however, turned into something more than a routine contest. It exposed an unusual internal churn within the CPI(M). When the seat was initially allotted to a Kerala Congress (M) faction, local party workers pushed back hard. The slogan they raised—loosely meaning “the party corrects leaders, but the people correct the party”—captured the mood on the ground. What followed was rare: protests, public anger, and visible defiance against the leadership’s decision.
Eventually, the party relented. KP Kunjhammad Kutty, who had already begun informal groundwork, was fielded. His victory came by a razor-thin margin of 333 votes—a result that was celebrated, but also served as a warning. The relief of reclaiming the seat was tempered by how close it had been.
Five years on, that narrow escape still lingers in memory. The political landscape remains evenly split, even at the local body level, with both fronts holding ground across panchayats. Minor shifts, like UDF gaining an edge in certain local bodies, hint that the contest remains wide open.
What makes Kuttiyadi stand apart is this constant negotiation between cadre and leadership. Here, workers don’t just campaign—they assert. As another election approaches, the constituency is once again charged, with early signs of tension already visible on the ground. In Kuttiyadi, victory is never inherited; it has to be fought for, every single time.
And as the state heads into another round of polls, both Perinthalmanna and Kuttiyadi once again stand out as places where a few hundred votes—or even a few dozen—can make all the difference.
Kannur has long been the ideological and organisational backbone of the CPI(M) in Kerala.
In 2021, that dominance translated into staggering numbers in three constituencies—Mattannur, Dharmadam and Payyanur—where victory margins crossed 30 percent, with leads touching historic highs. Mattannur (60,963), Dharmadam (50,123) and Payyanur (49,780) didn’t just deliver wins; they symbolised the peak of the Left wave that swept the state then.
Five years later, as Kerala heads to the 9 April Assembly polls, these very strongholds are under sharper scrutiny than ever before.
Mattannur stands out as the crown jewel of 2021. KK Shailaja stormed to a historic win, securing over 96,000 votes and a record margin of 60,963. Her personal popularity, amplified by her handling of the COVID-19 crisis, turned the constituency into a fortress.
This time, however, she is not in the fray here.
The party has shifted her to Peravoor, replacing her with DYFI leader VK Sanoj. The official line is strategy: deploy a heavyweight to capture a difficult seat and maximise overall gains.
Within party circles, the explanation leans on flexibility in the informal “two-term” norm—arguing that Shailaja’s move is about expanding the party’s reach, not sidelining her.
Yet, on the ground, the question refuses to fade: why change a winning formula?
Even loyal cadres admit that Shailaja’s personal vote was a major factor in 2021.
Sanoj, though energising the youth and drawing impressive crowds, faces the immediate challenge of holding together that coalition of voters. The party insists the result won’t change significantly, but even a reduced margin here would be read as a shift.
In Dharmadam, the stakes are different but no less significant.
CM Pinarayi Vijayan had won comfortably in 2021, polling over 95,000 votes and finishing 50,123 ahead of his nearest rival. His home turf has remained firmly in the Left column since its formation.
This time, Congress has fielded VP Abdul Rasheed, a young leader who built his reputation by sharply cutting into CPI(M) majorities in Taliparamba earlier. Though he lost then, the performance earned him a “giant-killer” image and a bigger stage now—directly against the CM.
There were earlier murmurs that heavyweight Congress leaders might be fielded here, but the party eventually opted for Rasheed, banking on his campaign style and grassroots connect. On the NDA side, K. Ranjith is in the fray.
For CPI(M), the campaign in Dharmadam leans heavily on governance. Vijayan had already covered the constituency extensively through development-focused meetings before moving on to statewide campaigning. Party workers are upbeat, even talking about surpassing the previous margin.
Still, broader issues—anti-incumbency, cost of living, and opposition narratives—hover in the background.
If Mattannur raises questions and Dharmadam tests perception, Payyannur presents a more direct problem. A Left bastion since 1967, the constituency saw T.I. Madhusoodanan win by 49,780 votes in 2021.
This time, the contest is complicated by rebellion. Former party leader V. Kunhikrishnan, now an Independent backed by the UDF, has mounted a challenge after being expelled. His allegations—ranging from fund misappropriation to lack of internal accountability—have created unusual ripples in a district known for tight organisational discipline.
Recent local body results, including a rebel-backed victory in Kara ward of Payyannur municipality, have added to the unease.
Party insiders privately concede that even a small shift of votes could significantly cut into the earlier margin.
The CPI(M), however, maintains that the issues are old and settled, dismissing the rebel challenge as politically motivated.
In these three constituencies, the CPI(M) still holds the advantage, but the margins that once seemed unassailable are now the very benchmarks under pressure.
