CPI(M)’s ‘Nava Kerala Rekha’ signals significant policy shift

By openly embracing private investment, the CPI(M)’s latest policy direction signals a decisive shift from its traditional Marxist principles toward a market-friendly economic model.

Published Mar 08, 2025 | 9:34 AMUpdated Mar 08, 2025 | 10:28 PM

CPI(M)’s ‘Nava Kerala Rekha’ signals significant policy shift

Synopsis: Despite its shift toward a socio-liberal economic model, the CPI(M) has retained a strong focus on welfare, which played a crucial role in LDF’s re-election, despite challenges like the Swapna-Sivasankar controversy and the COVID-19 crisis. 

The first day of CPI(M)’s 29th state conference in Kollam has set the stage for significant shifts ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

Party state secretary MV Govindan presented the political-organisational report, while Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan unveiled the Nava Kerala Rekha, a vision document outlining CPI(M)’s roadmap for the future.

While Govindan addressed the media on the opening day, details of Vijayan’s report are expected to be made public on the final day of the conference.

Meanwhile, Prakash Karat’s sharp critique of the Narendra Modi government’s ‘neo-fascist’ policies signalled deeper strategic recalibrations within the party.

With Kerala being CPI(M)’s last stronghold and the UDF facing a make-or-break moment, the 2026 elections could mark a decisive turning point in the state’s political future.

Also Read: CPI criticises hesitation to label fascism in India

Shift to market-friendly model

A decade ago, the CPI(M) strongly opposed private investment in higher education, even resorting to physical attacks, such as the assault on former diplomat TP Sreenivasan, for advocating private universities.

However, in a dramatic policy shift, just days before the party’s state conference, the LDF government introduced the Kerala State Private Universities Bill, 2025, officially opening the sector to private players.

This was a conscious decision by the CPI(M), as reflected in the ‘Nava Kerala Rekha’. The document not only welcomes private universities but also encourages private investments across multiple sectors, marking a clear departure from the party’s earlier stance.

Approving private capital is not limited to education, it extends to the tourism sector.

  • Higher education research centers will be established with private participation to curb student outflow to foreign institutions.
  • Luxury hotels under the ‘K-Homes’ brand will be developed to boost high-end tourism.
  • The Tourism Investment Cell will be strengthened to attract large-scale private investors.

Despite its shift toward a socio-liberal economic model, the CPI(M) has retained a strong focus on welfare, which played a crucial role in LDF’s re-election, despite challenges like the Swapna-Sivasankar controversy and the COVID-19 crisis.

In the updated vision document, Vijayan emphasised the welfare schemes with a notable new proposal,

  • A DMK-style financial assistance scheme for housewives, offering a minimum of ₹1,000 per month. This model proved politically successful in Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, and even in the Delhi Assembly elections, where all major parties courted female voters with direct cash transfers.

The policy document also sets ambitious economic and infrastructure goals:

  • A unified industrial cluster will be formed, bringing traditional industries under one umbrella.
  • IT parks will be integrated, with plans to launch 15,000 startups by next year, creating 1,00,000 job opportunities.
  • The controversial SilverLine semi-high-speed rail project remains on the agenda, along with a multi-modal public transport system.

The first Nava Kerala Vision document had already hinted at a shift from Kerala’s famed welfare-centric model to a more entrepreneurial, industry-driven approach.

Now, by openly embracing private investment, the CPI(M)’s latest policy direction signals a decisive shift from its traditional Marxist principles toward a market-friendly economic model.

Also Read: Semi-fascism, fascism, neo-fascism and travails of CPI(M)

Exodus to LDF

The weakening of the UDF in Kerala is largely attributed to the sudden defection of key allies and leaders to the LDF and the NDA.

Major players, including the Kerala Congress (M), along with smaller allies like PC George and JD(U), have abandoned the UDF, significantly impacting its grassroots-level strength.

The absence of crowd-pullers like Oommen Chandy has further eroded the UDF’s influence, creating a political vacuum that the LDF and NDA are eager to fill. Recognising this shifting landscape, the CPI(M) has subtly adjusted its stance toward the IUML, despite public criticisms.

A key section of the political-organisational report highlighted the strategic importance of maintaining ties with the IUML.

The report also predicted a continued exodus of Congress members to the LDF while emphasising the need to counter the influence of Jamaat-e-Islami and Christian Association and Alliance for Social Change (CASA), a youth organisation seen as supporting the BJP.

However, Govindan’s tone in his press briefing took a different turn. He argued that UDF votes were shifting toward the BJP, citing Thrissur as a prime example. The BJP wrested Thrissur from the Congress in the Lok Sabha polls.

Govindan further claimed that the IUML’s increasing alignment with religious nationalism is undermining Kerala’s secular political fabric. He warned that as the League inches closer to such ideologies, its traditional support base may begin to crumble.

Self-criticism and self-appraisal

The three-year political-organisational report included individual evaluations of Secretariat members, assessing their contributions and performance.

Vijayan was the first to be mentioned, receiving a positive assessment. The report highlighted that despite his demanding administrative responsibilities, he remained committed to party affairs, maintaining a balance between governance and organisational work.

However, the report urged caution in bringing independent figures like PV Anwar closer to the party. It also cited the example of P Sarin, a former Congress leader, whose integration into the party in Palakkad was described as a successful experiment.

Strong criticism was directed at EP Jayarajan and Minister Saji Cherian, particularly regarding their media interactions. The report stated that Jayarajan was removed as LDF convener due to performance shortcomings. It also noted his withdrawal from Secretariat activities, apart from attending meetings, as a serious concern.

Meanwhile, the absence of Kollam MLA M Mukesh from the party conference has sparked discussions. Some party sources suggest that the CPI(M) has imposed an unofficial restriction on him in connection with the state conference.

The move comes after a chargesheet was filed against Mukesh in a sexual harassment case after the Justice Hema Committee report was made public.

When questioned about his absence during a press conference, Govindan responded, “You people inquire about it.”

However, when South First contacted Mukesh, the actor-politician stated that he was at a shooting location.

”My presence or absence isn’t the topic; the conference is going exceptionally well. I’ve already informed my leaders about my schedules, and Govindan Mash gave the perfect response to the media,” he said.

The report also highlighted financial irregularities in party-run cooperative banks, blaming loan defaults by leaders and members for the crisis. It criticised the lack of seriousness in repaying loans despite circulars and acknowledged the damage to the party’s image.

Citing the Karuvannur bank scam, it recommended upper committee approval for huge loans.

Also Read: Political fragility of democracy in the era of fascism

Changing Stance on BJP 

Senior CPI(M) leader and politburo member Prakash Karat defended the party’s assessment that the Narendra Modi government has been exhibiting “neo-fascist characteristics.”

He asserted that, unlike the perception of certain Congress leaders in Kerala, the term was used with conviction to describe the RSS-backed BJP regime.

The CPI(M) had highlighted these characteristics in its draft political resolution circulated among party cadres ahead of the 24th CPI(M) party congress to be held in Madurai, Tamil Nadu, from 2 to 6 April.

However, opposition leaders, including Congress leader VD Satheesan, alleged a shift in the CPI(M)’s stance, suggesting a soft approach toward the BJP.

Political Observer Jose Pallikkunnel told South First that this shift reflected CPI(M)’s strategic response to the growing BJP influence, particularly among the Ezhava community in traditional strongholds like Kannur.

He argued that while Congress remained unaware of its dwindling grassroots support, the CPI(M) has recognized the shifting political landscape, prompting its recalibrated approach.

KPCC president K Sudhakaran responded sharply, warning that the CPI(M)’s state conference report was dangerous. He accused the party of aligning with the BJP’s agenda of creating a Congress-mukt Bharat and claimed that the BJP has become an unofficial twelfth member of Kerala’s 11-party LDF.

Sudhakaran criticised Vijayan’s reluctance to explicitly call the Modi government fascist, the CPI(M)’s silence on issues like the Babri Masjid demolition, mob lynchings, the Citizenship Amendment Act, and the killings in Manipur.

Sudhakaran also pointed out the contradiction in the CPI(M)’s assertions that Congress workers would defect to the BJP if kept out of power. Instead, he argued, the BJP has failed to attract any significant Congress leaders in Kerala, while CPI(M) members, after nearly a decade in power, have been joining the BJP.

He called for an honest review of the party’s political direction at the state conference.

(Edited by Majnu Babu).

Follow us