This is first of a two-part series explaining how the RSS in Andhra Pradesh recruits swayamsevaks, and the organisation's plans for the upcoming elections.
RSS Swayamsevaks and the BJP. (South First)
The men arrived at the school one by one. They stood in attention and saluted the saffron-orange flag fluttering in the morning breeze, elbow bent 90 degrees, thumb touching the centre of the chest, and palm facing the ground.
Then they exchanged salutations and a few words with a man who looked like the leader of the group of mostly 50-plus men, and a game began.
The men, mostly with salt-and-pepper hair, scurried in all directions, their physiques considerably slowing them down.
The catcher chased them and, on touching a player, shouted, “Jai Shivaji.” The player who had been caught stopped running and flashed a lopsided grin to hide the embarrassment of being tagged.
These 13 men at a school at Ayodhya Nagar in Andhra Pradesh’s Vijayawada were warming up for the shakha — a regular meeting place — of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the world’s largest far-right organisation in terms of membership.
The games the men played were familiar but carried different names at the shakha. Kabaddi, kho-kho, or tag went by Shivaji, Durga, etc, in shakha parlance.
The shakha members came from different backgrounds: There were priests, journalists, a Sanskrit teacher, retired Circle Inspectors, bank employees, and auto drivers. They began the games after offering salutations to the flag tied to a pole, the Bhagwa Dhwaja (saffron flag).
The game stopped after about 45 minutes. In the next 15 minutes, they recited a new Sanskrit song from Dr Hedgewar Bhawan on Sangh Building Road — the RSS headquarters — for the month. Every month, a new song and fresh games come from Nagpur.
The proceedings went on in an orderly fashion, the flag pole standing mute like a stern leader who had already issued the orders.
The shakha concluded as it had begun, with salutations, and the men dispersed.
This year, the shakha members have an additional duty: They shoulder the responsibility of pooling funds for the Ayodhya temple construction.
As per an RSS functionary from the Andhra unit (who didn’t want to be named), around ₹90 crore was collected from around 12,456 panchayats in Andhra Pradesh.
The shakha at Ayodhya Nagar in Vijayawada where the swayamsevaks are engaged in a game at 6 in the morning. (South First)
The consecration ceremony on 22 January seemed to have infused much confidence in the members. They saw an opportunity to grow and to make a mark electorally for the BJP with its resources and affiliated education wing — the Vidya Bharti Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan.
“Just like we created a wave recently in the Northeastern states — which are Christian- and tribe-dominated — we will bring about a change in the caste-dominated Andhra Pradesh as well,” he exuded confidence.
“Mokkai vanganidi maanai vanguna?” A close Telugu translation is: If it does not bend when a sapling, would it when a tree?
That is how the recruitment of children aged 10 or below is justified.
Te RSS functionary told South First about the structure and functioning of the organisation, which would celebrate its centenary on 27 September, 2025.
Founded on the Vijayadashami Day in 1925 by Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, a Telugu Brahmin whose family settled in Nagpur in Maharashtra, the RSS was established — by its declaration — to “understand the ills of society, which led to the subjugation of the country by marauding foreign invaders”.
The Sangh volunteers, also known as swayamsevaks, have often been accused of instigating communal riots in India. Despite such allegations, the RSS has expanded massively, with reportedly as many as 545 affiliated non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and 36 key organisations that operate in almost all spheres.
The affiliated outfits span from the student wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), to the political party, the BJP — all working on the RSS philosophy of Hindu Rashtra.
Hedgewar may have founded the RSS, but its second chief — or Sarsanghachalak — Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar has been credited with expanding the organisation.
The longest-serving RSS chief so far — for over 33 years — he was the head when the outfit was banned after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by an RSS Baudhik Karyakarta (intellectual worker) named Nathuram Vinayak Godse on 30 January, 1948.
However, the ban was lifted on 9 July, 1949. There were also two more bans, one during the 1975 Emergency and the other during the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition, but nothing stopped the RSS juggernaut.
It continued to spread its idea of a Hindu nation across the country. In the southern part, Andhra Pradesh is not yet an RSS stronghold, but the Sangh has a notable presence on the ground.
The shakha is the foundation of the RSS, which helps the organisation connect with the local populace.
An RSS event in Hyderabad. (Supplied)
It is typically a unit or division with physical and mental activities, started in 1925 by Hedgewar with just a dozen people.
The RSS now has 68,651 shakhas and nearly 15 lakh swayamsevaks across India.
In Andhra Pradesh alone, there are around 1,100 shakhas and 75,000 swayamsevaks.
The RSS in Andhra Pradesh is led by “Prant Pracharak” Vijay Aditya.
Hedgewar’s photographs adorn all shakhas and other RSS establishments in Andhra Pradesh.
It reminds the volunteers of one message: Doctor ji ka kya sandesh, Hindu-o-ka Hindu desh (What is Doctor sir’s message? A Hindu Rashtra for Hindus).
From the narrow alleyways of Delhi to sprawling cities like Bengaluru, the RSS has established its ideological base and prowess through the shakhas, where men of different ages participate in 45 minutes of physical activities — including games, foot marches, and mock fights — followed by 15 minutes of recital of Sanskrit songs, narration of the valour of heroes, and patriotic tales.
The RSS has claimed that there is no formal recruitment to the organisation. However, it attracts members ranging from children to youngsters with sports and captivating stories.
When South First asked a key 70-year-old RSS functionary who attended the Ayodhya Nagar shakha how he joined the organisation, he replied that kabaddi had attracted him to the outfit when he was 13. Many others echoed the sentiment: Games had attracted them to the organisation.
It is how it begins. From schoolboys to youth seeking employment, games attract them to the shakha, opened on school or temple premises with the help of a few volunteers from a nearby unit.
“When I was assigned to expand the footprint and open a new shakha in Vijayawada, we sang songs, played kabaddi, and practised self-defence tactics in the initial days, which caught the attention of neighbouring school-going students,” a former Mukhya Shikshak (key trainer)-turned-atheist told South First.
“Observing the interest of the children, we woo them to the shakha, and make them salute the Bhagwa Dhwaja,” added this trainer.
Unbeknownst to the new young volunteers, the final 15 minutes inject the Hindutva ideology into their psyche through carefully crafted narratives, half-truths, and complete lies in the form of tales on personalities such as Subhas Chandra Bose, Bhagat Singh, and Hedgewar.
“As I joined in my 8th grade, I had no such idea and believed all these stories were true. But it was during my intermediate years that I came to know the other side of the stories,” the former Mukhya Shikshak said.
Referring to one of the examples, he pointed out, “I was told Gandhi had a hand in the execution of Bhagat Singh. But later, I came to know through other books that it wasn’t true. I asked a few seniors who used to be in the Vijayawada RSS library, but my cross-questions were never properly addressed. Eventually, I realised [the truth].”
The former Mukhya Shikshak said the stories were one-sided narratives. Through the children overawed by the games and stories, more volunteers were roped in.
Dropping out of the shakha is not an easy option. The gatnayak (leader of the shakha) is responsible for attendance and adding more members. He visits the houses of the swayamsevaks, wakes them up, and brings them to the shakha.
However, a swayamsevak claims that individuals facing family issues or having valid reasons are still allowed to attend occasionally.
After a few weeks and attending the sanghiks — a weekly gathering of four to five units in the division — the members become serious swayamsevaks, while some may eventually drop out after realising the religious angle.
Every few months, the members visit shakhas in other mandals and interact with other swayamsevaks, expanding their contact base and joining together in the “Hindutva” journey.
Pracharaks further check the attrition rate. They attend the shakhas, interact with swayamsevaks, and visit their homes post-shakha, appreciating their “patriotism and efforts to contribute to society” in front of their now-proud family members.
After the shakha, the pracharak (full-time worker) visits one of the swayamsevak‘s houses and partakes in their meals.
“Whenever we go, we speak highly of the swayamsevak in front of their parents, building an image and a rapport with the family,” said a pracharak, adding that the organisation takes care of their expenses.
“Guru Purnima” is one of the six festivals (Varsha Pratipada, Vijayadashami, Makar Sankranti, Hindu Samrajya Divas, and Raksha Bandhan are the rest) that the RSS celebrates.
During the Guru Purnima week, swayamsevaks offer monetary contributions as Guru Dakshina — a form od repayment to their “guru”. This is the only time when the RSS raises funds from its volunteers.
The expenses of pracharaks and office maintenance are met through this contribution. They lead a bachelor life by dedicating their lives to the RSS.
Approximately 60 pracharaks out of around 100 hail from towns renowned for Hindu pilgrimage sites.
Examples from South India include Nellore (Ranganathaswamy temple), Anantapur (Lepakshi temple), Tirupati (Venkateswara temple), Vijayawada (Kanaka Durga temple), and Visakhapatnam (Simhachalam temple)
Incidentally, these areas are claimed by the RSS to be strongholds, as the majority of the 1,100 shakhas are based here.
During his recent visit to Andhra Pradesh, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited and offered prayers at the Lepakshi temple in Anantapur.
During the sanghik, the swayamsevaks are divided into groups based on their age: Sishu ganam (age 4-6), Bala ganam (7-14), Kaumara ganam (15-20), Yuva ganam (21-39), and Prouda ganam (40+).
A screen grab of a Bala gana session from the RSS channel.
Sishu and Bala ganams are mostly involved in games and stories, while from Kaumara ganam onwards, the glorification of the Hindu begins.
“This is not done at the shakha level but only during sanghiks, since there would be only a few members from the Kaumara group,” an RSS functionary told South First.
“The Kaumara and Yuva ganams discuss any incident or crime against a Hindu in India. Topics include Gau Raksha, Love Jihad, and anything considered evil to Hindus,” he added.
Sibirams — region-wise camps — are held once or twice a year with a foot march, where everyone who is part of the Sangh discusses issues that must be taken up. The sibirams teach about the lifestyle of swayamsevaks and pracharaks.
Baithaks are attended by one or two key people from each shakha. The purpose is to compile the challenges faced by the Hindu society, decide on a direction, and work with a nationalist spirit. In the monthly meetings, new songs and stories are taught to attract and retain swayamsevaks.
During the sanghik, sibiram, and baithak meetings, indirect competition is held based on the performance of the shakhas in recruiting volunteers and promoting the Hindutva narrative.
“It’s all about the Vyakti Nirman (personality development) for the swayamsevaks, but much more for the karyakartas,” a pracharak told South First.
Institutionally, the system is designed so that the karyavahak identifies potential candidates. They prioritise those who are financially stable and in sync with local dynamics.
Swayamsevaks feel obliged not to disappoint the karyavahak, since he trusts and assigns them various roles, with the notion that they could potentially replace the karyavahak shortly.
So, how does the RSS aid the BJP? The parent organisation — the Jana Sangh — was formed after Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee met the second RSS Sarsanghachalak, Golwalkar, to form the Bharatiya Jana Sangh.
Formed on 21 October, 1951, it had a rectangular saffron flag with “Deepak” — an earthen lamp — inscribed.
Following the Emergency, and especially after the elections on 23 March, 1977, the Jana Sangh merged with the Janata Party.
However, the Janata Party leaders questioned the dual membership of karyakartas. They were asked to leave the Janata Party or sever their ties with the RSS.
The Jana Sangh snapped its ties with the Janata Party and formed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on 6 April 1980, with Atal Bihari Vajpayee as its first president.
Speaking to South First, a key functionary of the RSS in Andhra Pradesh stated that people assume that the RSS works for the BJP, which is wrong.
“The BJP is one of the affiliated political wings, similar to ABVP for students and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh for workers. We don’t work for them. In fact, they report to us. However, during elections in certain places, swayamsevaks extend support to the BJP,” he said.
“Our pracharaks, after training, are deputed to 545 affiliated organisations and 36 NGOs. They are loyal to the RSS, and if something is going awry, they alert us,” he said.
He referred to BL Santhosh, the national general secretary of the BJP at the centre, and N Madhukar, the state general secretary of the BJP in Andhra Pradesh, as examples.
Further, a former RSS functionary explained how the rapport between the BJP and the RSS worked on the ground.
“Almost all BJP leaders — along with swayamsevaks in the shakhas — attend the six festivals the RSS celebrates. Further, when the BJP organises other festivals, such as Ganesh Chaturthi, swayamsevaks are invited. This is how a rapport is established,” he explained.
He added that many swayamsevaks align with the BJP due to the similarity in the ideologies.
Asked how a small number of 75,000 RSS workers could bring about any impact on the Andhra Pradesh elections, he replied that the organisation had more members than generally perceived.
He mentioned that the RSS narrative was gradually gaining traction, and electoral changes would be visible in the next few years.
He referred to the RSS’ footprint in the education sector and how Vyakti Nirman was taking place under the RSS-affiliated wing — the Vidya Bharti Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan.
“This will yield ideological and dynamic changes in Andhra Pradesh,” he added.
(This is the first of a two-part series of articles. The second part explains the RSS plan to bring ideological and dynamic change in Andhra Pradesh.)
May 14, 2024
May 14, 2024
May 14, 2024
May 13, 2024
May 13, 2024
May 13, 2024
